O nacionalismo da Caxemira foi organizado por elites locais, paquistanesas. Depois de um ponto de doutrinação torna-se a maneira como as coisas são A senhora branca perguntou a seus dois empregadas domésticas pretas, Você gosta de Robert Mugabe Estava em Harare, cerca de 13 anos atrás, quando a Copa do Mundo de críquete estava em andamento. Eu estava na casa de um casal atlético. A dama da casa, minutos antes de fazer a pergunta aos empregados, tinha me dito que até os negros odiavam Mugabe, o presidente do Zimbábue, então como ele é agora. Mas, como um indiano eu estava confiante de que os pobres desprezariam suas elites mais do que seu déspota. A anfitriã achou isso difícil de aceitar, porque ela tratou muito bem suas criadas, deu-lhes boas roupas e pagou-lhes bons salários, enquanto Mugabe estava destruindo a nação, além de afastar os proprietários brancos. Então ela decidiu perguntar às empregadas domésticas. Não pense que vou ser ofendido por sua resposta apenas dizer a verdade. Você gosta de Robert Mugabe As empregadas riram muito, o que foi sábio, mas eventualmente disseram que gostavam dele. Um deles entregou uma análise devastadora, Ele é para nós. Logo depois de criar discórdia doméstica séria, eu parti. Os pobres da Caxemira, também, odeiam sua elite mais do que seu déspota, Índia Parece que eles don t. O governo indiano pode ter assegurado, através de cuidados financeiros excepcionais, que o Caxemira médio não é tão empobrecido como o índio médio, mas não tem as qualidades raciais para iludir-lo a acreditar que é para nós. Como resultado, a elite eo resto da Caxemira têm opiniões semelhantes sobre a ocupação indiana de sua casa. Em qualquer lugar do mundo, os ricos e os pobres muito raramente têm as mesmas opiniões fortes, mas às vezes eles fazem. É geralmente uma conseqüência de um doutrinando o outro. Os deuses comuns, sabemos, são um triunfo do evangelismo de elite. Os deuses dos perdedores foram degradados como maus. Cricket também era uma transmissão. Assim como Modi, Development e Amitabh Bachchan. A luta pela liberdade na Índia começou como uma grouse de classe alta contra seus brâmanes brancos, que tentaram alistar os pobres através do ruse do nacionalismo, uma noção de que é dever dos pobres emprestar seus corpos a seus opressores históricos nativos para lutar contra o novo Opressores brancos. Naturalmente, nunca foi uma idéia convincente. Ainda hoje, uma comunidade Dalit celebra o dia em que seus antepassados lutaram sob a bandeira britânica contra os Peshwas. O nacionalismo de Caxemira, também, foi conduzido por elites locais e paquistanesas, mas realmente não importa agora porque depois de um ponto de doutrinação se torna a maneira como as coisas são. Mesmo assim, existe um ressentimento forte, mas subestimado, entre os pobres e os jovens educados de baixa classe média, em direção à elite econômica e cultural, especialmente os caxemires que vivem fora de Caxemira nos subúrbios do Primeiro Mundo afluente, em Dubai e até mesmo em Caxemira de Délhi que não requerem paz No vale para desfrutar de uma boa vida que estão horrorizados com as palavras de paz retorna para o vale em cuja visão a violência mantém a revolução em curso enquanto a paz, turismo vigoroso e uma economia de cura que ajuda a maioria dos caxemires eek a vida são vulgar sinais de derrota Para a Índia desprezível. Estes são a casta superior, os pares, os brahmanes de Caxemira, os intelectuais falsos, os jornalistas preconceituosos, o smarts da rua, um Kashmiri novo escreveram-me, dominam a narrativa de Caxemira, toda a opinião que se opõe a deles é tratada duramente. E você não é um Caxemira verdadeiro se você se opor a eles. É uma opinião comum que eu recebo em minha caixa de entrada de uma classe de Caxemis, mas a maioria deles não declararia isso abertamente porque eles seriam envergonhados por pessoas que têm ferramentas poderosas de vergonha. O patriota não-residente do Caxemiro é idêntico ao patriota hindu não-residente. Envolvidos num amor de longa distância, tentam influenciar os acontecimentos cuja consequência eles não têm de enfrentar. Shah Faesal, que havia superado o exame de serviços civis em 2009 e é funcionário da Caxemira, publicou recentemente no Facebook um retrato divertido dos caxemires que não vivem em Caxemira e do seu patriotismo. O uso de worldweb para construção nacional on-line é um método neutro, não-burocrático de fazer as coisas. Convidou-os a participar da construção de uma nação off-line voltando e trabalhando em hospitais remotos e escolas de Caxemira ou juntando-se a seus irmãos na selva. Mas uma vez que precisa de sacrifício e coragem, nunca será conveniente para eles. Então ele chega ao cerne da questão. O edifício da nação em linha é um modelo defeituoso porque permite que a elite esconda atrás das janelas digitais e de perfis falsificados ao outsourcing a luta real aos filhos emocionalmente imaturos dos pobres e desposeídos. O uso de classe superior de outros corpos mesma velha história. Nos últimos meses, eles glorificaram um garoto de vinte e poucos anos, Burhan Wani, que usou a mídia social para se tornar um folkhero militante, que é um método de cavar um túmulo próprio. Em vez de implorá-lo para escolher a vida sobre a morte, eles o incitavam a morrer. E celebraram sua inevitável morte gloriosa através da prosa do trauma. Em um romance de Marquez, mães que já tiveram o suficiente de guerra saem às ruas e arrastar seus filhos militantes de volta para casa por seus ouvidos. Isso era o que aqueles que se importavam com Wani deveriam ter feito. Mas então o movimento da liberdade tem de ser terceirizado para otários. Para a pergunta o que constitui uma nação, os estudiosos têm muitas vezes explicações culturais muito sofisticadas. Mas, Indianos do Sul diria que ser um indiano é apenas um hábito. Você é dito desde a infância para amar um espaço fechado e você ama para sempre. Caxemira não adquiriu esse hábito. Mas a maioria deles perdeu o hábito de imaginar que eles são uma parte do Paquistão. A maioria deles, parece, agora, como a idéia de uma república islâmica soberana de Caxemira. Na visão da Índia, um reino de fantasia alojado entre a Índia, o Paquistão e a China se desintegraria quando os Caxemis se elevassem do sonho feliz. Assim, a Índia continua sua ocupação moralmente indefensável e em dias bons tenta atrair os caxemires para que vejam a verdade de que, idealmente, devem desconfiar mais de suas elites do que de seu déspota. Manu Joseph é um jornalista e autor do romance, A felicidade ilícita de outras pessoas. Twitter: manujosephsan As opiniões expressas são pessoais Como Pak acrescenta combustível, separatistas escrevem carta aos líderes mundiais Tribune News Service Como o Paquistão entrou em uma overdrive para internacionalizar a questão K, os líderes separatistas no vale de Caxemira que esteve no meio de um Syed Ali Shah Geelani, que lidera uma facção de amalgama separatista Hurriyat Conference, escreveu uma carta no domingo que, segundo seu partido, foi enviada aos primeiros-ministros do Paquistão e da Turquia, Rei da Arábia Saudita, presidentes da China e do Irã. As cópias da carta também foram enviadas ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, aos chefes dos membros permanentes do CSNU, à União Européia, à Organização dos Países Islâmicos, à Associação de Países Regionais da Ásia do Sul e à Associação Nações do Sudeste Asiático. A carta, que pediu à comunidade internacional para intervir e exortar a Índia a tomar medidas de confiança, vem em um momento em que o Paquistão aumentou a ante em Caxemira em meio a um distúrbio na região que foi desencadeada pelo assassinato de militante Pelo menos 38 civis foram mortos enquanto a Polícia de Jammu e Caxemira ea Força Policial Central da Reserva fizeram tentativas de conter os protestos que continuaram pelo vale da Caxemira desde sábado na semana passada. A Índia reagiu fortemente às tentativas do Paquistão de Internacionalizar a questão de Caxemira, mesmo que Islamabad não mostrou intenção de recuar, apesar dos Estados Unidos apelo para a redução da retórica e da violência. Geneel, que tem exigido a adesão da Caxemira ao Paquistão, em sua carta pediu aos órgãos mundiais e líderes para instar a Índia a Tomar seis medidas de confiança que incluam a aceitação da natureza contestada de Jammu e Caxemira, a rápida desmilitarização dos centros populacionais, a revogação da AFSPA ea Lei de Segurança Pública, a libertação de presos políticos, a permitir que vários grupos de direitos humanos trabalhem em Caxemira e garantam espaço político livre . Para a intervenção Syed Ali Shah Geelani, que chefia a facção de linha dura da amalgama separatista Hurriyat Conference, escreveu aos primeiros-ministros do Paquistão e Turquia, rei da Arábia Saudita, presidentes da China e do Irã. Ele pediu à comunidade internacional para instar a Índia a tomar confiança - VK Singh (ret) manifestou preocupação com a deterioração da situação da lei e da ordem no Vale após o ataque de Burhan Wani. O Ministro de Estado para Assuntos Externos exortou as pessoas a cooperar com o governo nesta hora de crise, afirmando que alguns elementos indesejados tinham sido misguiding os Caxemis. Caxemira sempre permanecerá nossa e não houve nenhuma mudança nos pensamentos desde 1947 e nem virá nunca. Em 2004, o nosso primeiro-ministro disse que as fronteiras da Índia ganhou ANI Na turbulenta Caxemira, ninguém tem uma resposta Tribune News Service Os telefones não tocaram nos últimos três dias e os jornais não foram impressos no domingo como o governo impôs um apagão de informações, Deixando os residentes inconscientes sobre o que está acontecendo eo que acontecerá em seguida. Ninguém na Caxemira tem uma resposta para o que vai acontecer no dia seguinte. Cada nova morte cria mais raiva e diminui qualquer esperança de que a região volte ao seu negócio rotineiro. No Hospital Shri Maharaja Hari Singh, aqui na cidade, onde voluntários e organizações de ajuda humanitária criaram barracas de comida e comida gratuitas, não há resposta para o que acontecerá. Não há notícias sobre o que está acontecendo no sul (Caxemira) e no norte (Caxemira), então ninguém tem idéia de qual é a situação hoje, disse Bashir Ahmad, um voluntário no Hospital SMHS. A repressão da informação não só impactou A população civil da região, mas também funcionários do governo e da polícia. No domingo à tarde, como um rumor foi selvagem que tem havido uma nova vítima no norte da Caxemira, autoridades policiais admitiu que havia algum relatório sobre isso, mas eles estavam lutando para confirmar a sua veracidade. Os serviços de telefonia móvel e internet foram inicialmente suspensos no sul da Caxemira Na noite de sexta-feira, horas após o comandante militante Burhan Wani ter sido morto. O protesto se intensificou, e o governo do estado ordenou a interrupção dos serviços de telefonia móvel e internet em todo o vale da Caxemira, que ainda está em vigor. O governo também ordenou a suspensão de jornais na região, o que criou um apagão de informações. Os funcionários do governo também não têm informações sobre o funcionamento de seus departamentos. Estamos desconectados de nossos oficiais e ministros. As coisas serão restauradas assim que a comunicação for restaurada, disse um funcionário do departamento de educação. Uma multidão tentou invadir um campo do Exército no distrito de Bandipora, rompendo a paz de um dia na Caxemira de Cura Limitada, enquanto o Centro apressava cerca de 2.000 CRPF adicionais Pessoal para reforçar a segurança no vale, balançado pela violência desde julho 9.Protesters atacaram o acampamento do exército em Ajas, forçando o pessoal de segurança para abrir o fogo. Três pessoas ficaram feridas, segundo a polícia. O toque de recolher permaneceu em vigor pelo terceiro dia consecutivo, enquanto a vida permaneceu paralisada na sequência dos mortos conflitos que se seguiram à morte do comandante do Hizbul Burhan Wani em 8 de julho, deixando 39 mortos e mais de 3.160 feridos. Duas pessoas ficaram feridas quando uma turba disparou pedras Na área de Eidgah de Srinagar. Depois de restringir os serviços de telefonia móvel, as autoridades agora romperam conexões fixas para conter os protestos. Todos os 10 distritos do vale da Caxemira continuam a permanecer sob o toque de recolher, disse um oficial da polícia. Mais de vinte empresas (100 pessoas em cada uma) foram levadas para o Vale, além dos 2.800 funcionários do CRPF enviados para ajudar a polícia estadual semana passada. Algumas das novas unidades serão exclusivamente responsáveis pela tarefa de abrir estradas para garantir o movimento de comboios, disse um alto funcionário. Cerca de 60 batalhões já estão estacionados no estado. Os jornais locais, entretanto, não conseguiram chegar às arquibancadas pelo segundo dia de hoje, depois que as autoridades invadiram as imprensas na noite de sexta-feira. O governo estendeu as férias de verão em escolas e faculdades no vale por uma outra semana. Ambas as facções da Hurriyat Conference e da JKLF estenderam sua chamada de greve até segunda-feira à noite. O Exército do PTI obtém seu Dhanush Três armas de artilharia de Dhanush de 155 milímetros desenvolvidas na índia foram entregues para julgamento ao Exército pela Fábrica de Carros de Armas de Jabalpur. Outras armas serão entregues ao Exército em breve A arma foi desenvolvida pela Ordnance Factory Board, Kolkata, após a transferência de tecnologia como parte do acordo de armas Bofors com a Suécia no final dos anos 80. É comparável à maioria dos sistemas de armas de geração atual que estão em uso por países diferentes, juntamente com os sistemas eletrônicos de postura e avistamento de armas e outras características, a arma indígena tem uma faixa de 11 km melhorada contra a faixa de 27 km dos Bofors importados 38 Km é a escala da batida de Dhanush (aka Desi Bofors) 114 Dhanush armas em tudo é exército s exigência Rs 14 crore é por o custo da parte destes howitzers rebocados Somente os veterans de guerra merecem a antiguidade em trabalhos civis: SC A corte suprema governou que o serviço militar Ser contados para a antiguidade no serviço civil somente para aqueles que se ofereceram para servir o país durante a agressão externa. Uma bancada compreendendo os juizes Dipak Misra e C Nagappan fêz o esclarecimento em um caso de Himachal Pradesh onde o governo tinha tido em conta o serviço do exército de Mesmo aqueles que não o mereciam sob as Regras do Pessoal do Exército Desmobilizado 1974. O Tribunal Superior de Himachal Pradesh tinha anulado as ordens que concedem tais benefícios, forçando os ex-militares afetados do Serviço Administrativo HP a vir para o SC. (Siga The Tribune no Facebook e Twitter thetribunechd) Argumentando para a categoria geral funcionários, advogado Anil Nag alegou que o HC tinha observado com razão que os recorrentes foram recrutados durante o período em que não houve emergência decorrente de qualquer guerra e, como tal, não merecem O benefício do serviço militar para fixar a sua antiguidade no serviço administrativo da HP. A High Court tinha também tomado nota do facto de que as regras estipulavam que aqueles que já tinham tomado emprego civil foi impedido de reivindicar o benefício de seniority. De que um Dos apelos, Mohan Lal Chauhan, já tinha assumido um emprego civil antes de seu recrutamento em HPAS, ele era inelegível para reivindicar o benefício do serviço militar, Nag implorou. No entanto, desde que Chauhan se aposentaria em maio de 2017, o SC permitiu que ele continuasse no cargo até então. Ele receberia todos os benefícios de aposentadoria com base no último posto detido por ele. Os inquiridos que tiveram êxito perante a High Court colherão os benefícios que lhes são devidos. A presente ordem é aprovada tendo em vista as características especiais deste caso, disse o Banco. O alto custo do conflito de baixa intensidade O custo das baixas de tempo de paz na Índia pode exceder a cifra do total de 12.000 soldados mortos nas quatro grandes guerras que a Índia tem lutado. O governo eo Exército precisam pensar em maneiras de evitar baixas baratas. A vida de nossos jovens soldados é preciosa. Funcionários do exército e jawans carregam o caixão do capitão Tushar Mahajan, que perdeu a vida em uma batalha com os militantes em Pampore, Udhampur. PTI A vida do soldado do Exército indiano, incluindo o oficial, é barata. Desde 1988, mais de 6.200 homens, principalmente do Exército, foram mortos em operações antiterroristas e de baixa intensidade, desde terrorismo até insurgências em todo Jammu e Caxemira e nos estados do Nordeste. Esta cifra de baixas, que continua a subir, excede o número de soldados mortos em qualquer das quatro grandes guerras que a Índia tem lutado até agora, seja a guerra de 1962 com a China ou as guerras de 1947-48, 1965 e 1971 com o Paquistão. O número de soldados feridos ou permanentemente incapacitados é separado. A cifra não inclui as vítimas sofridas em outros compromissos militares durante este período de 28 anos as vítimas são comparáveis, e possivelmente excedem, a cifra do total de 12.000 soldados mortos nas mencionadas quatro grandes guerras Índia lutou refletindo sobre a freqüência ea intensidade de Operações que o Exército tem estado envolvido desde a Independência. Desconcertantemente, o Exército vem perdendo regularmente até mesmo as melhores formações de combate de seus melhores soldados. Isto foi evidente durante a Guerra de Kargil, quando depois de ser pego de surpresa, o Exército moveu 8 Divisão de Montanha, então implantado no Vale de Cachemira, para lutar a guerra em Kargil. Não foi fácil para os soldados, até então desdobrados em contra-insurgência modo, para instantaneamente mudar para a luta árdua alta altitude batalhas. A escassez contínua de oficiais (9.106 ou 18.35 por cento da força de oficial sancionada a partir de maio de 2016) colocou uma pressão considerável sobre os 300 batalhões de Infantaria estranho que em média estão funcionando com força de oficial de 50 por cento. A escassez de oficiais combinada com a redução dos padrões de recrutamento para os oficiais ea mudança do perfil econômico e social dos oficiais e soldados que se juntaram ao Exército criaram seus próprios desafios. A revolução em andamento das tecnologias de informação e comunicação, que agora traz uma consciência imediata para o soldado e, conseqüentemente, a pressão, aumentou o desafio. Apesar das medidas tomadas dentro do Exército em conseqüência dos estudos conduzidos pelo Instituto de Defesa da Pesquisa Psicológica, a incidência de suicídios em altos dígitos duplos a cada ano continua no Exército. Cerca de 1.300 soldados do Exército suicidaram-se em um período de 14 anos entre 2002 e 2015 sozinhos. Somados a isso estão os incidentes de colapso no comando e controle que levam a confrontos entre oficiais e jawans, o último incidente ocorrido em um batalhão de Infantaria do Exército em Arunachal Pradesh em meados de maio. Nenhum outro país de seu tamanho e importância tem fronteiras tão longamente disputadas como a Índia. Nem as disputas fronteiriças do país com a China e o Paquistão provavelmente serão resolvidas num futuro próximo. Da mesma forma, as insurgências em curso, particularmente em Caxemira, não mostram nenhum sinal de desvanecimento. Em vez disso, a situação de segurança no subcontinente está ficando cada vez mais complicada e multidimensional. Certamente, o governo e o Exército precisam se tornar espertos e encontrar melhores maneiras de evitar baixas e desorientação baratas do soldado do Exército. Na parte oriental da Ladakh, a Ladakh oriental, se deixada sem vigilância, poderia provar ser a veia jugular da índia em uma guerra futura. A Linha de Controle Real com a China não está marcada, suas percepções são contestadas por ambos os lados. Em 1962, a área viu batalhas campal, aqueles em Rezang La, Srijap foram bem contestados. Enquanto Índia está aumentando, Pequim já tem sua infra-estrutura com estradas e próximo rly link. A guerra pode ser um grito distante, mas ambos os exércitos estão em seus dedos do pé. A Tribuna apresenta uma série de relatórios de cinco partes em solo Foi em 2012 que a Índia mudou suas táticas silenciosamente e começou a acumular um grande número de forças no Ladakh oriental, enfrentando a China. Quatro anos mais tarde, os acréscimos e o impulso de infra-estrutura estão literalmente em pleno andamento na área com uma fronteira de 826 km com a China. O Tribune visitou locais-chave em toda a extensão desta fronteira estratégica, geograficamente definida pelos militares como a área A partir do Karakoram Pass no norte de Demchok, no sudeste. É aqui que existe a possibilidade de a China e o Paquistão lançarem uma guerra colusiva de duas frentes contra a Índia. As escalas Karakoram na Índia, se ocupado pela China, pode ameaçar New Delhis segurar Siachen, bem como cortar as planícies Depsang e Daulat Baig Oldie (DBO). Nos últimos quatro a cinco anos, tropas terrestres foram adicionados à pré - Posicionados ao longo da Linha de Controle Real (LAC), ou a fronteira de fato, que não está marcada no solo. Nos últimos 36 meses, foram feitas adições às forças mecanizadas e armas de artilharia, apoiadas pelos tanques de origem russa T-72. Outra unidade de tanque está programada para se deslocar para Ladakh oriental. Isto acrescenta uma nova dimensão a qualquer guerra futura na área que é marcada por uma altura média de 14.000 pés, onde o oxigênio é escasso. A acreção da força é de sete a oito vezes mais do que era em 1962. História do Conflito com a China, 1962 produziu 30 anos após a guerra pela Divisão Histórica do Ministério da Defesa, diz Ladakh oriental tinha apenas quatro batalhões, incluindo a milícia JK (mais tarde renomeado como Ladakh Scouts). O tenente-general SK Patyal, comandante dos 14 Corpos, com sede em Leh, diz: Temos de defender as nossas fronteiras internacionais, o que quer que seja em termos de infra-estruturas e acréscimos, estamos a fazer da melhor maneira possível. Fontes apontam que mais de 50 por cento da força das tropas no Ladakh Oriental veio nos últimos quatro a cinco anos. Os batalhões são encarregados de estar na Linha de Controle Real (LAC) para um mandato de dois anos. A área de responsabilidade é documentada para o próximo a assumir. Por exemplo, um grupo de avanço de um batalhão que deve assumir em agosto-fim chegou a um posto perto do LAC em maio. Uma reserva de reserva foi criada chamada os batalhões de laço. Estes são mantidos aclimatados para qualquer necessidade de indução a estas alturas de oxigênio rarefeito de 14.000 pés. No entanto, o maior movimento é os tanques. Os planaltos intercalados nas dobras das principais cordilheiras do Himalaia Maior, Karokaram, Ladakh e Zanskar são o país ideal tanque, plana, com lugares amplos para se esconder nas dobras dos vales. Colonel Vijay Dalal, que está comandando uma unidade blindada, diz : Nós temos que usar aditivos e usar diesel de grau de inverno. No inverno, todas as noites os tanques estacionados em garagens são revved até um par de vezes para evitar que as peças de congelamento. Durante a guerra Índia-China de 1962, cinco dos tanques AMX-13 construídos pelos EUA foram transportados por via aérea. Em seu livro Meus Anos com a IAF, o ex-chefe da IAF, PC Lal, explica a grande dificuldade enfrentada na modificação dos aviões de transporte AN-12 para transportar os tanques. Não apenas as acreções, as defesas fortificadas, Esporas ao longo da ALC. Novas estradas fortificadas que permitem que tanques de 50 toneladas para a unidade estão aparecendo, talvez a Índia está projetando um campo de batalha para atender às suas forças. Pelo menos numericamente, o movimento indiano promete impedir qualquer agressão da China. Um sargento da Força Aérea foi supostamente agredido por examinadores de bilhete de viagem de trem (TTEs) a bordo do Correio de Mumbai-Ferozepur Punjab aqui hoje. A vítima identificada como Sargento SK Singh estava viajando para Bathinda de Delhi quando o incidente ocorreu . Embora ele estivesse carregando um bilhete apropriado, os TTEs erróneos supostamente o confrontaram com a produção de um mandado de viagem. O sargento desembarcou na estação ferroviária de Bathinda e teria informado o assunto aos oficiais de seu esquadrão em Bhisiana, que por sua vez comunicou o assunto ao Oficial de Controle do Movimento (MCO) em Ferozepur . Funcionários do exército do exército em Ferozepur disse que o MCO deputado um JCO Naib Subedar Sushil Kumar e Havildar HL Prashad para perguntar sobre o assunto com o TTEs viajando no trem. Quando eles perguntaram o TTEs sobre o incidente, eles supostamente confrontados com o pessoal do Exército também, Após o que os altos funcionários do Exército tomou o assunto com o escritório DRM. O prefeito militar e os oficiais de inteligência também chegaram à estação. O Comissário de Segurança Divisional Superior (DSC) Shadan Zeb Khan confirmou o incidente. Mais tarde, depois da intervenção de altos oficiais do Exército e dos caminhos-de-ferro, o assunto foi resolvido amigavelmente. Introdução: origens históricas antigas da cultura coreana Embora esta seção introdutória ostensivamente tenha pouco a ver com a situação contemporânea na Coréia, na verdade, é muito importante para a compreensão dos ricos História e unidade da cultura coreana. Pois, como estamos começando a perceber cada vez mais, a presença do passado está sempre aqui. Tudo está relacionado com tudo. Só podemos ignorar esse princípio por nosso próprio perigo, o que, por sua vez, rouba-nos a entrada incrivelmente profunda de um vasto mar de sabedoria indispensável. Isso ajuda a explicar quão profunda é a paixão pela reunificação de um povo que compartilha uma história longa e evoluída um com o outro. Não há regiões no mundo ocidental que possuem um ano de mais de um milhão de anos de atividade humana como faz a península coreana. E a cultura coreana possui uma história homogênea e distinta de 5.000 anos, desprovida de minorias étnicas. Nunca foi a Coreia dividida até que o 38º Paralelo foi cruelmente imposto em 1945 pelos Estados Unidos. A Coréia nunca foi uma nação agressora. Em vez disso, sofreu uma longa história de ser agredido por outras nações, tanto da Ásia e do Ocidente. Em contraste, o registro mais antigo da atividade humana no Hemisfério Ocidental de acordo com a datação por carbono não é mais de 45.000 anos, mas a maioria das evidências faz uma estimativa mais confortável de 30.000 anos ou menos. E uma vez que não existiram sociedades eurocentristas ou do Novo Mundo até depois da Conquista das sociedades indígenas originais que ocorreram entre o final dos anos 1400 e os anos 1700, o período mais longo da sociedade organizada que possuímos no Ocidente não tem mais de 500 anos. A República dos Estados Unidos da América, e suas comunidades antecedentes européias, só remontam a 400 anos. Há evidências de que parte do estoque indígena no hemisfério ocidental se originou em porções da Ásia, incluindo a Península Coreana. As influências chinesas e japonesas têm sido fortes ao longo da história da Coréia, mas os coreanos desceram como um grupo racial e cultural distinto dos povos tribais Tungusic (grupos étnicos da Sibéria) da Ásia Central e da Manchúria. É importante entender a Coreia no coração do continente asiático. Os traços dos antepassados os mais adiantados de seres humanos modernos foram descobertos em África sub-Sahara oriental sub-Sahara tão cedo quanto 5 milhão anos há. Por 1.8 milhão anos há os hominids adiantados (bipedal andando) começaram a espalhar para fora destes homelands originais, emigrando em regiões temperadas tão distante como Ásia do leste. Homo Erectus grau hominídeos estavam presentes na Península da Coréia, partes do leste da China, sul da Ásia e Índia central mais de um milhão de anos atrás. Durante o Neolítico (Nova Pedra) período de idade começando cerca de 10.000 a. C.-8.000 aC. Paleo (antigo) - Asiatics espalhados por toda a Sibéria começou a migrar para a Península Coreana através de províncias do nordeste da China e as áreas russas em torno de Vladivostock. Há evidências de ocupação através de caçadores-coletores e locais de enterro deste período, como em Tongsamdong (no sudeste da Coréia perto de Pusan atual), juntamente com cerâmica, ferramentas agrícolas de pedra e cultivo de milho de milho. Aproximadamente 4 000 aC-3 000 aC. Há evidências dos primeiros assentamentos agrícolas permanentes, como em Hunamni (na Coréia central, não muito longe da atual Seul). Alguns eruditos identificam este período como o começo de uma evolução contínua de uma cultura distinta, significando que por 2.000 A. D. Coréia tem desenvolvido como um povo distinto por 5.000-6.000 anos. A propagação da lavoura de arroz atingiu áreas do norte da Península por 1500 BC. Áreas do sul por 1000 BC. Por 1.000 A. C. Durante a Idade do Bronze (minérios de cobre, estanho e zinco), os novos imigrantes haviam assimilado os povos neolíticos indígenas em pequenas aldeias nos sopé dos rios. Distintas ferramentas de estilo coreano começaram a aparecer em (Japão), quando as armas coreanas (cultura Dagger) surgiram. A cultura da Idade do Ferro tornou-se generalizada no sul da Coréia no século II aC. Como fez a produção de vidro. Chariot acessórios foram encontrados perto de Pyongyang e da bacia do rio Taedong (que flui de nordeste a sudeste através de Pyongyang). Confucionismo, uma filosofia de aprendizagem e social enraizada em uma série de relações particulares entre e entre a família, amigos e governantes, tornou-se proeminente a partir do terceiro século aC. Ao primeiro século A. D. por muito de China, da península coreana, e de Japão do sul. Após o cisma na religião budista no nordeste da Índia no primeiro século A. D. o budismo Mahayana que ofereceu a salvação universal (versus o budismo mais conservador Theravada) chegou na China e Coréia, onde começou a ser compartilhada com confucionismo e taoísmo. A maioria dos historiadores documentam a Coréia) possuíam tecnologia de ferro relativamente avançada para ferramentas e armas. De c.109 BC. A 6 BC. Coréia (exceto na área do sudeste em torno do dia atual Pusan) veio sob o domination do império chinês de Han. Após 100 A. C. A colônia chinesa de Lolang foi estabelecida perto de Pyongyang. O reino de Koguryo estabeleceu o primeiro estado nativo coreano perto do rio de Yalu (que separa a China atual do norte de Coreia) no norte em 37 BC. Pela tribo Maek, mesmo quando ainda no império Han. Em 313 A. D. Koguryo conquistou Lolang. Por 427 A. D. a capital foi estabelecida em Pyongyang. Koguryo expandiu seu território bem no Manchuria oriental (atual China do nordeste) no norte, até ao sul perto do rio de Han (flui através de Seoul atual do dia) na proximidade de onde os outros dois reinos principais emergiram, Paekche (C. 250 AD) Na parte sudoeste da Península, e o mais poderoso Silla (cerca de 350 dC) na porção sudeste em e em torno do vale do rio Naktong. Muitos locais foram encontrados de tumbas ricamente decorados para a elite na sociedade Koguryo, adornado com pinturas requintadas. Entre as ofertas graves estavam elaboradas coroas de ouro e outras jóias de ouro e arame. Um quarto reino de Kaya, no extremo sudeste (a oeste do rio Naktong e Pusan presentes) exportou cerâmica fina de grés para o Japão. O ferro foi exportado do rio Naktong no sul da Coréia para Wae (Japão) e Lolang. Tribos Kaya foram logo incorporadas em Silla. Elementos culturais da China, tribos nômades do norte, Lolang, ea religião budista foram incorporados durante este período de dominação Koguryo. A tecnologia do ferro nesse período tornou-se mais forte e mais nítida, pois foi incorporada em armas e ferramentas agrícolas. Korean literary tradition adopted the Chinese language and its ideograph (written system representing an idea or object directly rather than a particular word) system. With Chinese support the Silla dynasty conquered Koguryo and Paekche in 668 A. D. and a feudal society emerged which began the modern unification of the Korean Peninsula along Confucian lines. Korea prospered as each king was surrounded by a warrior aristocracy and a skillful bureaucracy that ruled over a peasantry class which provided the manpower for military, agricultural, and technical industry. The arts flourished and Buddhism became the dominant religion. In 935 the Silla dynasty was overthrown relatively peacefully by the Koryo dynasty at which time literature was cultivated and Confucianism (from China) controlled the pattern of government even though Buddhism remained the state religion. Pottery manufacure flourished. The first Korean histories were published, using movable type, which led to the world s first casting of metal type in 1403. In 1231 Mongol forces invaded from China and eventually the Koryo kings accepted Mongol rule. In 1392, Yi Songgye, with the aid of the Ming dynasty (which had replaced the Mongols in China), seized power. The Yi dynasty created a new capital at Seoul, established Confucianism as the official religion, and developed a Korean phoenetical alphabet. Japanese warrior Toyotomi Hideyoshi won control of most of geographically close-by Japan in 1590, and two years later invaded Korea with 160,000 men seeking to conquer China after subduing Korea. His forces were thwarted after the Korean admiral Yi Sun-sin cut their nautical supply lines. Further Japanese incursions into Korea were confronted by counterattacks by combined Ming Chinese and Korean forces, and Hideyoshi was killed in 1597 while attacking Korea. Later, Korea attempted to protect itself from outside threats by closing its borders and thereby became known as the Hermit Kingdom. Japan was becoming ever more powerful, and with secret U. S. help (see below, ) was able to effectively conquer and occupy the Korean Peninsula in 1905. The Yi dynasty lasted 519 years from 1392 until its formal annexation by Japan on August 22, 1910. The Phenomenon of Being Released in Korea In May 2000, while visiting several villages in South Korea about 80 miles southeast of the Yongdong/Nogun Ri area, I listened to dozens of horror stories of emotionally and physically wounded survivors of civilian massacres committed in 1950 by U. S. ground and air forces, as well as by South Korean forces under U. S. command. Then in August 2000, as a representative of the newly formed Korea Truth Commission (KTC), our delegation visited the Kumjung Cave massacre site in Ilsan, Kyonggi Province north of Seoul, and the massacre at twin bridges viaduct near infamous Nogun Ri, 100 miles south of Seoul near Yongdong in North Chungchong Province. I heard even more of similar horror stories about what happened during the summer of 1950. After having kept silent for all these fifty years, their tales were intensely emotional. I came to understand that until two years or so ago, there remained so much fear among the people that they kept their stories inner dark secrets. If they were publicly identified in any way with those who had been shot or bombed, they, too, would be suspected of being long prison terms, and even imposition of a death sentence with little due process. Koreans have a word, t think anyone would understand that the U. S. had deliberately committed war crimes, and further, I feared no one would care. I found myself weeping as the South Koreans told their stories about what happened to them and their families fifty years ago, and how this pain has remained deeply within them. I searched for the source of this deep, mostly unexpressed rage, and one must understand both the ancient and more recent history of the Korean people. The Koreans have never been an aggressor against other lands, yet they have continually been aggressed against by outside forces. It is ironic then that they are the only Asian nation that was involuntarily divided and remains so to the present day. That this is a deep and historic egregious crime against the Korean people is an extraordinary understatement. Early Western and U. S. Intervention Beginning in the nineteenth century, Western powers began to show interest in the Korean Peninsula. Seeking access to Korean markets and raw materials, the British sent warships in 1832 and 1845, the French in 1846, the Russians in 1854, the U. S. and Germans in 1866, and the U. S. again in 1871. All non-Chinese influences were excluded in an attempt to secure protection until 1876, when Japan coerced a commercial treaty with Korea. Korea had been known even prior to the nineteenth century as a country that distrusted foreigners, even from the East, but especially those from the West. For this policy it came to be known as the Japan had begun to emerge as a restive power in the 1800s. Japan had been forced by the United States to sign a commercial treaty on March, 31, 1854, a year after U. S. Admiral Mathew C. Perry had arrived in 1853 with four warships in Tokyo Bay pursuing U. S. President Millard Fillmore s orders to penetrate the perceived isolationist Japan. The Japanese emperor acceded to U. S. requests and opened the ports of Shimoda and Hakodate to trade. Perry was awarded 20,000 by Congress for his bold expedition. Sentiment in Japan wisely became concerned that it was dangerously vulnerable to becoming a colony of western powers. The Japanese elite responded with the Meiji Restoration of 1868 which restored power to its emperor formerly held by the Tokugawa military house. The new Meiji government moved quickly to discard the old feudal system and succeeded in transforming Japan into a regionally aggressive industrializing nation. The history of U. S. nineteenth century military intervention in Korea included the first American Korean War in 1871, a war noted by its belligerance. Five years earlier, in July 1866, a U. S. Merchant Marine ship, the General Sherman, a heavily armed ship with a mixed crew of U. S. British, and Chinese/Malay, including a U. S. Protestant missionary, Robert Thomas, attempted to penetrate Korean waterways in pursuit of trade discussions and Christian evangelization. Denied permission to sail up the Taedong River leading to Pyongyang, the ship defied Korean authorities. Consequently, after four days of fighting, the ship was burned, and the twenty persons aboard killed. In retaliation, the U. S. Navy and Marines invaded Korea in June 1871 with the warships Monocacy and Palos, three steam launchers, and about twenty support boats, with total crew of mo re than 1,000 mostly Civil War veterans. The U. S. Minister to China, Frederick Low, was on board. The expedition, commanded by Admiral John Rodgers who had previous Far Eastern experience, landed nearly 700 men at the Kanghwa beaches (25 miles north of present day Inchon in west central Korea), partly to resume attempts at trade talks with the War in 1898. This intervention created heightened anxieties among the Japanese about aggressive U. S. intentions in Asia. After Japan s strategic land area and potential resources heated up between nearby powers of Japan and Russia. The First Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) saw conflict between China and Japan for control of Korea. This war marked Japan who remained there for a number of months. The rival designs of Russia and Japan for Manchuria and Korea led to the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05). Russian failure to withdraw from Manchuria and its associated penetration into northern Korea was met by Japanese attempts to negotiate a division of the area into respective spheres of influence and control. The Russians resisted. On January 27, 1904, Japanese destroyers torpedoed three Russian battleships in Port Arthur at the tip of the Liaotung (Kwangtung) Peninsula. Japan broke off diplomatic relations on February 6, 1904, and two days later attacked Port Arthur and for awhile contained the Russian fleet there. Japanese troops in large numbers had moved through Korea when they attacked Manchuria. These war pressures again created conditions that led to another intervention by U. S. Marines to, you guessed it, in Korea. However, during these series of interventions by U. S. Marines the longest they remained in Korea at any one time was twenty-two months. Japan s advances in Korea, favored Japanese colonization of Korea in order to selfishly protect their own respective regional imperialistic designs from threatened Japanese competition. What Koreans did not know at the time of Roosevelt s independence, despite the legal and Ivy League education of its U. S. authors. To comprehend just what Roosevelt thought of the Koreans it is instructive to examine his own words as written in his autobiography when he describes a rationale for the violations of the 1882 Treaty perpetrated by the 1905 Taft-Katsura Agreement: Less than two years earlier, Roosevelt had uttered similar comments about Colombia, justifying his The United States had articulated an open-door concept seeking commercial success in Asia as early as President John Tyler and assuring control over Cuba and the Philippines after preempting their revolutions for independence (1898-99), also under McKinley. The U. S. was on a roll The Treaty of Portsmouth ending the Russo-Japanese War was signed formally at the U. S. Naval base at Portsmouth, New Hampshire on September 5, 1905, acknowledging Japan as a world power, more than a month after the secret agreement between the U. S. and Japan relating to Korea. However, the peace discussions had been conducted all summer long at President Roosevelt s paramount interest in Korea and ceded to her the leasehold of the Liaotung Peninsula in Manchuria (the site of the strategic Russian port on the Chinese coast), and the southern half of Sakhalin Island (just north of Japan and separated from Russia by the Gulf of Tartary). Russia took a hit for which it would not forget easily. In addition, Roosevelt demanded that Japan follow the Open Door policy in Manchuria and return the region to Chinese administration. The as representing the American Way Of Life (AWOL) seriously believed as being good for the advancement of everybody in the world, and (2) export of products such as cotton, canned fruit, milk, and beef, good for prosperity and profits of commercial interests in the United States. At the end of the Nineteenth Century, it had become clear to the business and political powers of the United States that expansion was indispensable in order to acquire necessary markets for the increasing surplus of manufactured goods, agricultural products, and venture capital. In addition, acquiring reliable access to cheap raw materials was becoming important in order to continue the profitable growth of the U. S. American industrial production system. It was becoming clear that U. S. prosperity and preservation of the American Way Of Life (AWOL), and its myths, were dependent upon, in fact demanding, an expansionist, increasingly imperial foreign policy. Extensive Chinese unrest against foreigners exploded in June 1900, known as The Boxer Rebellion, provoked a deepening of concern in the U. S. (and other nations by pushing and holding doors open throughout the world using strategies ranging from polite to impolite coercion, and the use of military means as necessary. It was a cute term for U. S. imperialism. In Korea, the Japanese since 1905 had assumed police responsibility in Seoul, had placed their own police inspectors in all Korean provinces, and placed a resident general in the country. Japanese troops were never withdrawn, and only ten weeks after the conclusion of the Russo-Japanese War, Japan forced Korea to formally sign the Protectorate Treaty. Japan exercised broad control over both Korea s domestic and international affairs. Japan renamed Korea Chosen, and the wealthy Korean aristocracy began changing their names to Japanese. Later, after the formal Annexation in 1910, all Koreans had to speak Japanese, not Korean, take Japanese names, and conform to Japanese dress and religious customs. Ironically, Teddy Roosevelt received the Nobel Peace Prize for his having been credited with bringing peace between Russia and Japan. Little did anyone understand at the time that the secret agreement made prior to the Treaty at Portsmouth had aimed an early fatal dagger cutting the heart out of an independent, sovereign Korean Peninsula which to this day it has not recovered. The Treaty of Portsmouth marked the corresponding temporary decline of Russian power in the Far East. The expensive railway lines constructed by Russia in southern Manchuria were ceded to Japan without payment. All Russian troops were removed. This humiliating defeat of Russian efforts to control the eastern corner of the dying Chinese empire was a shock to the Tsar. It must be remembered that the Tsar was already in trouble. Disgruntled Russians had secretly formed the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party at Minsk in 1898 based on principles of Marxism. At the second party congress held at Brussels and London in 1903, Lenin ). When the Russo-Japanese war first broke out in February 1904, historic Russian racism that despised the groups sprang up all over the country just as they had done during the first revolution in 1905. Lenin and the Bolsheviks established rule in Petrograd on October 1917, the third revolution, which is the date generally attributed to the Russian Revolution. Petrograd was renamed Leningrad in 1924 but later recovered its original name of Saint Petersburg as it is known today. The Russian Bolshevik Revolution was not acceptable to the Allied and Japanese world. The U. S. and other Allied nation After 1905, Japan s resistance to Japanese occupation led to the killings of at least 18,000 protesting Koreans, 12,000 of them from 1908 to 1910 alone. Nonetheless, on August 22, 1910, after more than a thousand years as an independent and distinct geographic unit, Korea formally capitulated to Japan, when the Yi Dynasty was forced to sign the Annexation Treaty. Korea thus became annexed as a province of Japan with the full support of the United States. This capitulation was due primarily to the Korean ruling class s fears of losing their privilege to organized, aggrieved peasants, more than fears of being ruled by foreign powers. After formal annexation, many of the guerrillas regrouped in Manchuria or in Russian maritime territory as they continued to wage war against the Japanese. The Yi Dynasty had ruled since 1392 but was unable to defend itself from the formidable Japanese imperial colonization supported secretly by the United States. Though Korea had formally been an independent nation, it had long survived under a kind of Chinese suzerainty (overlord) which had provided it military protection. However, the Chinese had become significantly weakened due to aggressive Japanese diplomatic and military maneuverings following its Meiji Restoration in 1868, as noted above. Nogun Ri: Tip of the Iceberg Nogun Ri, the July 1950 massacre committed by U. S. forces, was revealed in the fall of 1999 thanks to a rare tenacity exhibited by a few members of the U. S. press. As shocking as the Nogun Ri story was, it is only the The telling of that story has triggered many more. Now, many villages are creating their own local massacre investigation commissions, with formation of a national commission imminent. There is already a Korea Truth Commission (KTC) On U. S. Military Massacres of Civilians, created in 2000 at a meeting in Beijing, China. Hearings are planned for locations in both South and North Korea, as well as in the United States. The KTC has set up its international office in Washington, D. C. and has already conducted preliminary hearings in the United States on the commission of U. S. war crimes in Korea. Furthermore, now that Kim Dae Jung, the President of South Korea, and Kim Jong Il, his counterpart in the North, successfully completed their historic first meeting in June 2000, domestic political changes in Korea are likely to escalate dramatically toward reunification of their historically undivided nation. A unity of remarkably unique culture, ethnicity, and linguistics is held so deeply in the hearts and minds of most Koreans, that its power transcends the relatively recent Cold War ideological schism that was involuntarily imposed upon them by the United States. U. S. Intentions and Actions Dividing Korea, 1943-1945 Within months of Pearl Harbor, in early 1942, U. S. State Department planners began to express concern in the event there was to be Soviet involvement in the war against the Japanese in Manchuria and Korea. They feared that the Russians would bring with them the fearless Korean guerrillas who had been passionately fighting the Japanese in Manchura in their efforts to recover their homeland. The first formal international statement supporting Korean independence was proclaimed in November 1943 when the U. S. (Franklin D. Roosevelt). Great Britain (Winston Churchill), and China (Chiang Kai-shek) issued the Cairo (Egypt) Declaration, in which Korea was to receive independence (emphasis added) Given the extent of nearly forty years of Japanese domination and the humiliating subservient role forced on the Koreans, this secretly planned postwar U. S. military government in Korea amounted to preservation of Japanese imperialism and an unlawful, cruel violation of Korean sovereignty. At the February 4-11, 1945 Yalta s promise to enter the Pacific war theatre three months after the anticipated surrender of Germany, thereby relieving the U. S. of further casualties in defeating the Japanese in Manchuria, China, Korea, and Japan itself. This secret agreement by the USSR to enter the war against Japan was promised in return for possession of S. Sakhalin (island off the east coast of USSR just north of the Japanese island of Hokkaido), the Kurile Islands (extending northeast from the Japanese island of Hokkaido to the USSR peninsula of Kamchatka between the Sea of Okhotsk and the Pacific Ocean), and an occupation zone in Korea if the U. S. insisted on joint trusteeship. Harry Truman had only succeeded to the Presidency on April 12, 1945, upon the death of President Roosevelt, only 2 months after the Yalta conference. Germany surrendered on May 7, starting the 3 month clock to the promised entrance of the Soviet Army to hopefully finish off the Japanese in Asia. The strategic decision to wait for resolution of the Manhattan Project (development of the top secret Atomic bomb) came to dominate much of secret U. S. policy making beginning in mid-May. Truman, only having been briefed of the existence of the new weapon project once taking the Presidency in April, and as a newcomer to international diplomacy, was believed to have dreaded his upcoming meeting with Stalin and Churchill at Potsdam, near Berlin, in northeastern Germany. The advance agenda of Potsdam was to discuss challenges arising out of the collapse of Nazi Germany and the disposition of eastern Europe vis-a-vis the Soviet Union. Not surprisingly he delayed the conference. However, it is significant to note that Truman finally scheduled the confernece to immediately follow the critical test of the secret Bomb, to occur July 16 at Alamogordo, 120 miles southeast of Albuquerque, New Mexico. The test s success exceeded expectations and immediately provided the U. S. with unprecedented confidence in all of its post-test negotiations. Potsdam began on July 17 and concluded on August 2. Previoiusly, the U. S. had virtually accepted the fact that once the Japanese were defeated with Soviet assistance, the Soviets would occupy and control the future of the Korean Peninsula. However, with the success of the new, most powerful, weapon ever developed, U. S. diplomacy was radically altered, and U. S. arrogance could prevail with minimal need to compromise. On August 8, exactly three months after the German surrender, Russian troops entered Manchuria, as they had earlier promised, overwhelming Japanese forces there. On August 12 they entered northern Korea, further ousting Japanese forces, thereby assuring no more U. S. casualties. This significant Soviet involvement now made it impossible for the U. S. to exclude the USSR in a post-war Korean settlement. On August 11 (three days after the entrance of the Soviet troops in the Japanese arena and, as it turned out, only four days before the imminent surrender of Japan), President Truman ordered two colonels in his Department of War to hurriedly identify a supposedly temporary line dividing Korea into two zones. The 37th and 38th parallels were discussed in a quick 30-minute meeting by two young colonels, one being Oxford-educated Dean Rusk (later to be Secretary of State under President s population, and the historic capital city of Seoul in the United States zone. Nine million people and the more industrial sectors, with fifty-five percent of the land base, were to be in the Soviet zone. The question was whether Stalin would accept the 38th parallel rather than the 37th, the latter of which would have included the historic capital of Seoul in the anticipated Soviet zone. This decision establishing the 38th parallel, publicly proclaimed on August 15 as populations from taking control. The U. S. was to take the southern zone the already present Soviet troops were to remain temporarily in the northern one, with the aim of repatriating all Japanese in their respective sectors. The U. S. immediately created the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK), which was the sole legal authority south of the 38th Parallel, and it remained so until the Republic of Korea was formally established on August 15, 1948, exactly three years later. Tragically, Western plans for a post-war division of Korea were proceeding without the prior knowledge or consent of the Korean people. Ironically, on the very same day of the Japanese surrender and U. S proclamation of General Order Number One, August 15, 1945, the Korean people, the majority seriously impoverished, openly celebrated their liberation after forty years of miserable Japanese occupation. The Koreans immediately formed The Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence (CKPI). By August 28, all Korean provinces on the entire Peninsula had established local peoples s Republic (KPR). The people of Korea were confident they would now be able to build their own society, resuming control over their sovereignty which had been effectively suspended since the Japanese had taken over their foreign and military affairs in 1905 prior to formal full annexation in 1910. At that exciting moment in their lives on September 6, 1945, the Korean people could not have imagined that they were about to become victims of an even more tragic and cruel injustice, this time inflicted upon them by a Western nation, the United States of America, rather than by one of their historic Asian nemesises. Japan presented its formal surrender on September 2 to five-star (a newly established rank at the time) General Douglas MacArthur aboard the U. S.S. Missouri in Tokyo Bay. MacArthur was named commander of the Allied powers in Japan and directed the subsequent occupation that included Korea as well. On September 7, the very next day after the excited creation of the KPR, General Douglas MacArthur, as commander of the victorious Allied powers in the Pacific, formally issued a proclamation addressed s occupation declaration. The bulk of the U. S. occupation forces began unloading from twenty-one Navy ships (including five destroyers) on September 8 through the port at Inchon under the command of Lieutenant General John Reed Hodge. Hundreds of black-coated armed Japanese police on horseback, still under the direction of Japanese Governor-General Abe Nobuyuki, kept Korean crowds away from the disembarking U. S. soldiers. On the morning of September 9, the U. S. troops marched into Seoul, again protected by Japanese troops lining the streets, ushering the high-ranking officers into their new quarters at the Choson Hotel. And on September 9, General Hodge announced that Abe, the Japanese Governor-General would continue to function with all his Japanese and Korean personnel. Hodge had become known for his aggressive warfare in battles at Guadalcanal, Leyte, Bougainville, and the for his tank actions in World War I, and his later exploits during War II in Italy, North Africa, and France and Germany. Within a few weeks there were 25,000 troops and members of in the Asia-Pacific region. This was due to strategic evaluations made by the U. S. of projected post-war plans of its wartime Soviet ally but who in fact were held with fear and mistrust by the West since the Bolshevik revolution first articulated its socialist philosophies in 1917. The provisions of such occupation, including ordinances issued by the Military Governor of Korea, were to be enforced by a On September 12, West Point Graduate and artillery expert Major General Archibald V. Arnold, was named U. S. Military Governor to replace Japanese Governor-General Abe, though most of the existing administrative and police personnel were retained. Arnold was later replaced as U. S. Military Governor by Major General William F. Dean, a highly decorated World War II veteran of battles in France, Germany and Austria. Interestingly, when the war started in June 1950, Dean became the commander of the U. S. 24th Division and was captured on August 25 in Taejon, being the highest ranking U. S.officer ever captured by the North Koreans and imprisoned as a POW for 37 and-a-half months From that fateful day on September 8, 1945, to the present, a period of now 56 years U. S. military forces (currently numbering 37,000 positioned at 100 installations), have maintained a continuous occupation in the south, supporting de facto U. S. domination of the political, rhetorical, economic and military life of a needlessly divided Korea. This overwhelming U. S. role, often brutal in nature and, until recently, supporting repressive policies of dictatorial puppets, continues to be the single greatest obstacle to peace, because of its interference with inevitable reunification of the Korean Peninsula. Until 1994, all of the hundreds of thousands of South Korean defense forces operated legally under direct U. S. command. Even today, although integrated into the Combined Forces Command (CFC), when the U. S. military commander in Korea deems there is a war situation, these forces automatically revert to direct U. S. control. U. S. Cultural Context, U. S. Occupation and the Cold War The well documented but little publicly known historical record of the United States in Korea is nothing short of demonic and shameless: from the brutal U. S. formal occupation (1945-48) to steadfast support of the tyrannical rule of U. S. puppet, Syngman Rhee, before, during, and after the hot Korean War (1948-1960), under the rhetorical propaganda of a Korean there. As one observes the chronic historic pattern of U. S. interventions all over the world, its consistent imperial behavior can only be properly understood by examining the interplay of five deeply ingrained features of its culture in addition to two factors relating to its geographical position. Deep-seated Eurocentric racism. The fallacy of race is human s most dangerous myth (Ashley Montagu). A powerful religious, arrogant ethnocentrism, that believes certain White strange because virtually all inhabitants of the American continent other than the native Indigenous have been and remain relatively recent aliens. Deep-seated psychological repression of visceral feelings and instincts, i. e. a corruption of the senses, and the unhealthy fragmentation of sensations from the intellect, leading to resentment which manifests in certain self-righteous moral indignation and expressions of violence directed against those in the values. Psychologists have uniformly described the correlation between repression and violence. Fundamental origins and subsequent governing patterns based on secretive plutocracy (class), not democracy, and a strong national government designed to assert empire as a way of life through colonialism/expansionism. This imperial demeanor thrives on projections (i. e. a kind of paranoia) that define problems as being caused by external evils, precluding honest self-examination and responsibility. Expansionism, an imperial global reach, often manifesting in violent, covert or overt, sabotage of self-determination processes wherever found at home or abroad. Self-determination, i. e. democracy, generally threatens to with U. S. capabilities for selfish plunder at will to feed the insatiable appetites of the American Way Of Life (AWOL) and the profits of the transborder corporations (in cahoots with the governing plutocrats) derived from nourishing those appetites. The vast size of the northern hemispheric continent, i. e. the army proceeded methodically for a century, providing an affirmation to the European settlers of their god-endowed superiority. It was as if the huge amount of space provided the settlers with a new playground for what seemed like endless exploitation. This land mass surrounded by vast oceans provided substantial protection from outside intruders. To the south additional vast lands inhabited by the Indigenous had been conquered by the Spanish and Portuguese, who had difficulty hanging on to their new territory as the British and French were vying for Indigenous lands in the north. As the securely establishing itself in a substantial portion of the northern part of the Western Hemisphere. The fifth cultural factor, i. e. our imperial reach, has led to incomprehensibly violent behaviors during the history of our Republic that have maimed and murdered countless millions through more than 550 overt and anywheres from 6,000 to 10,000 covert interventions in more than 100 nations, primarily directed against the poor as they have struggled, and continue to struggle, for justice and genuine local sovereignty. The United States and the Western nations combined, comprising about twenty-five percent of the world s resources. In other words, it is essential to our way of life to be able to continue to rob and pillage at will the global pool of labor and natural resources, no matter how much hurt and misery it causes, and whether people like it or not. This pattern of U. S. behavior pre-dates the Cold War interventions that used the pretext of fighting the from white Europeans. To be fair, this kind of brutality emanating from minds that can so easily rationalize such superiority and the consequent bestiality directed toward others is not unique to Europeans. But nonetheless, it was applied with such a ruthlessness in North America (and in the remainder of the Americas, as well) as to be on the order of our own first holocaust. Let us examine the context. It is now believed that there were as many as 125 million Indigenous living in thousands of communities speaking numerous native languages throughout the Western Hemisphere at the time of the Columbus of our Western and, yes, U. S. American civilization. Of the 125 million Indigenous, it is now believed that 10 to 15 million lived north of the Rio Grande, the river that is today Let us look at slavery, the second holocaust enabling development of labor. The incredibly difficult labor required to prepare land for profitable large farms and plantations from tangled thickets of mangroves and palmettos could be done only under duress. Freemen with any options whatever would not agree to suffer the brutalities of such labor. Only chattel slaves, under involuntary physical duress could be made to perform this miserable work. And agriculture, once the land was prepared, was only profitable when it became a slave plantation, requiring the work of varying numbers of slaves. This enabled the plantation owner to afford the various buildings and equipment, including lavish living quarters, that made for a successful, profitable life. Somewheres between one and two million of those slaves came to the colonies that became the United States of America. The United States developed on the land stolen from the Indigenous and the labor stolen from the Africans. This, too, is part of an honest history of of the U. S. American civilization. And from the beginning, U. S. policymakers, civic and religious leaders, historians and other academicians have systematically perpetuated a grotesque distortion of history which presents U. S. intentions and behavior as noble triumphs over ever-lurking evil forces. It is as if we have been taught, and proudly learned, a fabrication of history to the extent of it being sheer fantasy. Honest confrontation of this distortion is virtually always greeted with severe criticism and contempt, virtually assuring that the critic is quickly marginalized and not taken seriously. Now, just for a moment, let us look at the broad historical context of what happened between about 1500 and 1900. The six primary imperialist powers of Europe at the time (France, Spain, Italy, British Isles, Portugal, and Netherlands) comprising about 40 million people combined, possessed less than 10 percent, probably less than 8 percent, of the world s people, virtually eliminated societies comprising a third or more of the global population. To accomplish that, to perpetuate and rationalize that kind of superiority and carelessness over others, requires an arrogance that clearly knows no limits. It is this legacy that we in the West must address, because its character is still with us, still determining contemporary policies that grow from historic values of greed and power that in turn emanate from a consciousness of superiority, rather than one that recognizes respect, justice, and a sacred interconnectedness with all life. It is instructive to remember that the presence of the past is always here. always operating just below the surface. The casualties inflicted upon Europe by the Black Death begining in the mid-1300s and extending into the Fifteenth Century were exceeded by those caused by the plague brought to the Western hemisphere by Europeans that devastated its Indigenous cultures. The American Revolutionary War was not initiated by the poor, but by an upper class of successful business people and plantation owners who wanted to be free of irritating British rules and taxation. In effect, it was a revolt of Brits against Brits. Only 56 selected White men signed the 1776 Declaration of Independence, 48 men the 1778 Articles of Confederation. Of the original 65 White men selected (but not elected) as state delegates to convene on May 14,1787 for the Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia, only 55 attended, and of those, only 39 signed the final document on September 17, many with reservations. None of these men, virtually all learned and/or wealthy, were typical representatives of the colonial population. James Madison, the framer usually acknowledged as the The creation of the republic, the United States of America, was conducted in secrecy, primarily by the educated and wealthy elite of white European land-owning males (the plutocrats), comprising but a tiny percentage of the colonial population. The people were not privy to the proceedings at the founding Constitutional convention, nor to the ratification process in the various state legislatures. If the people, i. e. the ninety-five percent of the population not part of the well-to-do commercial and agricultural elite, had been given a voting franchise, many historians believe the Constitution and its creation of a strong central government would have been soundly defeated. Shortly after the new central government was inaugurated in April 1789, there were reminders of the need for strong action to ward off any threats to its designs for an expanded economy and territory. The July-August 1789 popular revolt in France (the French Revolution) created anxiety among the new ruling class in labor force. There had been a number of earlier slave revolts in the colonies and the new elite knew the importance of keeping the lid on this potentially explosive population that could devastate the new economy once its members revolted. During its first few years the new government was busy signing treaties with various Indigenous nations in New York State, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, rapidly expanding its land base for a growing restive, White population. Early on, Indigenous became suspicious that the U. S. government was using deceit in preparing the treaty language, then noting the consistent pattern of refusing to keep its promises. The Shawnee Nation rejected and the growing tensions with the Arab states of Morocco, Tunis, Algeria, and Tripoli in northern Africa over their interference through the Barbary pirates of U. S. maritime operations in the Mediterranean Sea), was of growing concern to the new government. The latter adopted the very anti-democratic 1798 Alien and Sedition Acts under its second President, John Adams (1797-1801), which were aimed at repressing unwanted popular dissent, especially as expressed by the press. The first of what were to be hundreds of subsequent foreign military interventions was initiated during the term of President John Adams over a crisis in relations with France. On July 11, 1798, Congress established the Marine Corps. Almost immediately, the U. S. Marines committed their first foreign intervention when they landed at the city of Puerta Plata on the northern coast of the Dominican Republic and captured a French privateer, one of 85 French vessels captured by the new U. S. Navy and marines. This occurred during the undeclared Naval War with France (1798-1801) in the Caribbean, which resulted partially from the continuation of anti-French sentiment in the U. S. that had been inflamed by the provocative 1789 French Revolution. Thus, the new strong central government designed to assert empire as a way of life was rapidly validating itself. Once the they know from tragic experiences what they are talking about. A major expansion of the United States occurred under President James Knox Polk (1845-1849), who provoked a policy as a diplomatic cover for hegemonic designs. Domestic agricultural and industrial production was then consistently exceeding capacity for domestic consumption. This meant that domestic U. S. prosperity increasingly became dependent upon a global reach beyond the already greatly expanded original boundaries of the the United States. The anti-imperialists were opposed to outright colonization, but they did agree on empire based on expansion of markets, versus expansion of territory. There was an overwhelming consensus, even among radicals, of the need for commercial expansion. Nonetheless, the debate raged as to how this expansion could be accomplished while furthering Under Democratic President Grover Cleveland, however, whose administration took office March 4, 1893, this effort was disfavored, the Marines were soon recalled, and annexation was for the moment dropped, only to be revived under Republican President William Mckinley. In 1898 Hawaii was finally annexed. The same year, at the conclusion of the s striving in the Twentieth Century to triumph in the contest for world dominance. The outcome of the War gave the U. S. much added capability to control sea lanes in the Caribbean and the Atlantic, enabling more secure access to Latin America and the building of the Isthmus Canal, as well as in the Pacific, enabling freer access to Asian markets. Hesitant to possess outright new colonies, the U. S. nonetheless, concluded that it did require physical occupation and administration of a second secure base, the Philippines, in the Pacific Ocean for access to east Asia, especially China. During U. S. President Woodrow Wilson character. Beware Korea, like so many other countries around the world, has been a victim of this historic matrix of U. S. cultural forces, but it was the first one where the intervention was couched in the language and ideology of the Cold War. The U. S. chose to eliminate the passionate Korean self-determination forces that rightfully sought an end to its repressive colonial legacies. Instead, the U. S. intervened on behalf of the smallest group in Korea (private, elite capitalists) and helped to perpetuate their privilege at the expense of the well-being of the vast majority of Korean citizens. This is the plight of so many peoples around the world and yet the people of the U. S. find it difficult to understand because they have not yet had their own socio-economic revolution. I pray that this important void is increasingly understood, i. e. that the U. S. civilization has yet to endure an ideological revolution addressing its historical injustices based on oligarchy and class. These identifiable culturally defining factors of U. S. civilization provide a broader context in which to understand development of U. S. officially launched the first of thousands of U. S. covert and overt interventions around the world. A military mission was quickly created on May 20 in Turkey as a bulwark against foreign aggression. Then, on May 23, only three days later, the U. S. intervened in the bloody Greek Civil War (1946-49) on the side of the neo-fascists against the Greek left who had fought so courageously against the Nazis. U. S. advisors headed by General James Van Fleet were immediately dispatched to Athens and by 1949 the Joint U. S. Military Advisory Group, with a contingent of 450 men, was virtually directing the war for the Greek army. In the last five months of 1947 alone, the U. S. sent 74,000 tons of military equipment to the right-wing government in Athens, including artillery, bombers, and napalm. The fascist Greek army finally won, but not before there were an estimated 100,000 casualties and 700,000 refugees. Initially called the Truman Doctrine, Truman working in the U. S. government. This EO became a repressive and sinister destructive force in postwar U. S. America, poisoning broad areas of its work, educational, and cultural life. The United States direct involvement in Korea beginning in August 1945 provides us the earliest example of U. S. Cold War behavior. When examined carefully, it reveals a great deal about the nature of her national psyche as it is expressed in corresponding misguided political and vicious military policies, as well as the kind of unrestrained terror that was to be in store for its victims. Fear of communism peoples, as the monolithic spread of communism, itself grossly exaggerated, was regularly confused with genuine national self-determination (democratic) movements striving for independence from Western, colonial forces. The proof of chronic distortions relating to allegations of Soviet-led is found in an honest perusal of the record, not in a blind belief in the constant rhetoric of U. S. public relations campaigns. The Soviet Union had fought with the Allies in World War I, having suffered 20 percent of all the casualties in that War. The October 1917 Bolshevik Revolution was not acceptable to the Allied and Japanese world. Even before the terrible First World War ended, the U. S. and other Western countries, along with Japan, had invaded the Soviet Union threatening her new sovereignty in order as many as had died in World War I. After the November 1918 Armistice ending World War I, the new but weakened Soviets made persistent efforts to make peace with the threatening Allies, on amost any terms. From November 1918 to February 1919, alone, the Soviet, Bolshevik government presented seven peace proposals to the Entente powers of France and Great Britain and the United States. Blatantly ignoring these proposals for peace, the military intervention of fourteen outside nations proceeded: Canada France (140,000 troops) Great Britain (140,000) Germany Italy (40,000) Greece (200,000) Serbia (140,000) Romania (190,000) newly created nations of Czechoslovakia and Poland, Finland, Latvia, Japan, and the United States . From May 1918-April 1920 a combined total of more than 900,000 troops supported the some argue was the actual beginning of the Cold War. Launching a series of campaigns in (1) the north along borders with Baltic nations and Finland, with landings at Murmansk (May 1918) and Archangel (August 1918) (2) various regions of Siberia, and on the Pacific Coast, with a major landing at Vladivostock (July 1918), and (3) the Ukraine and other southern regions around the Black and Caspian Seas (April 1919), the Allied forces intended to surround, contain, then defeat the Bolsheviks while at the same time arming and equipping the Russian forces. The Allied Supreme War Council maintained a hostile naval blockade of the new Soviet nation until January 16, 1920. In 1917, President Woodrow Wilson, consistent with his intervention philosophy in Latin America, had begun sending secret money to aid the White Russians, then in 1918 authorized support of the naval blockade while sending U. S. expeditionary military units comprising collectively 14,500 soldiers, first with 5,500 troops to Murmansk (May) and Archangel (August) in northern Russia on the White Sea, then 9,000 troops to Vladivostock (August) in eastern Russia on the Sea of Japan for penetration into Siberia as far as Lake Baikal. In March 1919 he sent additional forces to Murmansk in northern Russia near its border with Finland on the Barents Sea. U. S. casualties in the northern occupation approached 2,900. The U. S. forces in Vladivostock were joined by Japanese military (in violation of their earlier pledges to the U. S.) and moved westward nearly 2,000 miles to the Lake Baikal region to support Czech and White Russian forces which had declared an anti-Bolshevik government at Omsk more than a thousand miles further west. All U. S. troops had been removed by April 1, 1920 but Japanese forces remained until 1922. Though the Bolsheviks were ultimately successful by mid-1920 in fending off the major Allied campaigns that attempted to destroy them, the intervention had severe effects. The Russians had already withstood the invasion of their lands in 1914 by Germany and the Hapsburg empire, experiencing enormous devastation and 7 million casualties throughout World War I. They experienced a serious invasion from Poland in 1920 near the end of their Civil War. The Allied interventions from 1918-1920 tragically prolonged a bloody Civil War costing thousands of additional lives. Some say that 25 million died from combat, terror and assassinations on both sides, and war-related deaths due to famine and disease, mostly typhus, smallpox, and exposure. This weakened an already devastated nation that extended from Poland to the Pacific, from the Arctic to the Caucasus. The long-range implications fueled the Cold war. The Bolshevik leaders had clear proof that Western powers intended to destroy their new Soviet government and such awareness entrenched a Soviet regime, contributing to more totalitarian methods for survival and ruling. The U. S. suffered nearly 3,000 total military causalties, dead and wounded, during its 18 months of intervention activities in the Russian territory. In 1939 the Soviets were forced into signing the Soviet-Nazi nonaggression pact due to the incessant refusal, especially of the U. S. and Great Britain, to unite with the Soviets to stand firmly against Hitler s material output in half. By comparison, the U. S. suffered the loss of about 400,000 battle and other deaths, or only .3 percent of its population, and none of its infrastructure, with the exception of the Pearl Harbor facility on its illegally acquired Hawaiian colony. Despite the critical role the Soviet Union played in defeating the Nazis, and the staggering losses she suffered in manpower and infrastructure as a result, the U. S. nonetheless, insisted on all out of the Soviet Union. The U. S. Marshall Plan (adopted in 1948) gave 13 billion to 18 western European nations for various investment projects toward recovery from the devastating war, though most of that money was required to be spent on U. S. made goods. Japan also became dependent upon the U. S. for reconstruction. The Soviet Union received only sabotage designed to cause her more suffering. In light of this tragic historic reality, the Soviet people experience scars burned deeply into their soul, never to be forgotten. Insecurities and fears inevitably effected the Soviet character. They had every reason to fear further threats to their security, especially from other Western forces. By 1945, the Soviets were eager, not for additional military confrontation, but to achieve some accommodation with the Western powers, and to initiate a process of world disarmament that would allow them to rebuild their shattered society. They were exhausted This contributed critically to the Soviet for the foreseeable future. Even hawkish John Foster Dulles, later to become Secretary of State, had agreed that security and survival, not ieology, dictated Soviet policy. Nonetheless, in Korea, as in dozens of other nations, the U. S. insisted on rationalizing draconian measures to destroy had to be stopped The United States s Policy Planning Staff (PPS). Publishing a then top-secret document (PPS 23, February 24, 1948), Kennan laid out an honest assessment of the need for a successful U. S. imperial policy: Three-and-a-half months after Truman Kennan was so alarmed that he advocated outright U. S. military intervention in the event that the Communists win through the election process. Truman ordered parties, though other reports place the amount at 10 million. Using fear rhetoric, the SPG officers on the ground in Italy waged an intense propaganda campaign using posters, pamphlets, planted newspaper stories, etc. More sordid disinformation devices were used such as the forging of documents and letters misrepresented as being written by the Communist Party. In fact, the Communists were defeated in the April 1948 elections. No military coup was necessary. A propaganda coup had been executed with successful plausible deniability. This U. S. The whole world was now open to U. S. intervention. The device of being able to use plausible deniability (lying) has enabled, only in the arrogance of imperial fiction, of course, the U. S. to avoid taking responsibility for millions of murders and maimings of innocent human beings, destruction of civilian infrastructure such as schools, health clinics, and entire villages, and destroying the sovereignty and autonomy of entire Indigenous groups and nations. In Korea A private airline, Civil Air Transport (CAT), created in 1946 by Chiang Kai-shek s wielded their major threat. The Korean War was the first time the CIA, created in 1947, operated in a hot war. The NSC 10/2 provided the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) veterans John all of Mongolia and North China to include Manchuria, and the Kurile Islands northeast of Japan and the Ryukyu Islands southwest of Japan. When the Korean hot war began in June 1950, the Far East Division of the CIA s forces selling of large amounts of drugs (opium) to finance their operations. The Korean War was the experience that catavaulted the CIA into a large operation. In 1949, the agency with a budget of 82 million operating out of forty-seven stations. It is instructive to note, however, that the U. S. security and intelligence infrastructure that was to become so entrenched and ubiquitous during the Cold War was actually created at the beginning of World War II under President Roosevelt. After the Nazis had taken Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Roosevelt created the Interdepartmental Intelligence Conference (IIC) comprised of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Army and the extent of counter-sentiments thereto. As a result of Donovan and it began working immediately to destroy the existing anti-fascist, popular resistance movements, restoring oligarchic traditions of power, in effect destroying any possibility of a genuine democratic process. After Roosevelt s organization. Helms who had been voted most likely to succeed in his 1935 graduating class at prestigous Williams College in Massachusetts, would later become the director of the CIA during the Vietnam War years. In September 1946 President Truman secretly authorized in the U. S. in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and much of U. S. Special Warfare doctrine, drew considerably from this supply of German talent and philosophy. Much of the counterinsurgency literature of the U. S. military is based on an analysis of Nazi experience in Europe, especially as to which techniques worked for controlling resistance, particularly the use of mass terror. On December 11, 1946, the Secretary of War created a special subcommittee of SWNCC to creat guidelines for covert action operations. After the subcommittee began planning for specific operations in April 1947, it soon took even another name in June, the Special Studies and Evaluations Subcommittee. But on July 24, the infamous National Security Act mentionned above became law, creating the National Security Council, an independent Army, Navy, and Air Force with a Joint Chief of Staff under a new Department of Defense (rather than the War Department), and a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). That is the structure that remains today, and has orchestrated countless crimes in blatant violation of the U. S. Constitution, the United Nations Charter, many other international laws, while threatening the sovereignty of more than 100 nations, killing and maiming millions in the process. The U. S. has waged (and continues to wage) various covert campaigns, perhaps as many as 10,000, in these countries, in its efforts to prevent any kind of serious alternative economic and political discussion and system from competing with the immense private profits of Western style capitalism. Increasingly we know that such obsession possesses the emotional passion of a religion that knows no limits in its tyrannical, often forcefully imposed tentacles to be spread wherever U. S.-driven selfish economic interests dictate. Their U. S. oligarchic political representatives systematically respond to assure promotion and necessary protection for such exploits, whether of the covert or overt variety, no matter the costs. All of this activity has been rationalized, and made Ideologically speaking, this document articulates well our historical addiction to an imperial psychology that continues to this day. It became clear that following World War II, the United States considered all political and economic sectors or regions of influence that it did not control as being a threat to its global objectives of an integrated political-economic capitalism, i. e. promotion of the grotesquely consumptive American Way Of Life (AWOL). In early 1951, the policy directives NSC-101 and NSC-118 established further for a variety of covert operations in North Korea and China. Of course, the U. S. had already been previously conducting operations in Korea and China, as well as elsewhere, but as the Korean War gave great impetus to the CIA, U. S. hegemony through clandestine activities merely intensified. The U. S./Puppet Rhee Repression Machinery Created The U. S. understood that if it was to assert Western-style, capitalist control in Korea it had to defeat, then eliminate, the broad-based popular, democratic KPR. Instead of repatriating Japanese as mandated, the U. S. military government (USAMGIK), manned by nearly 2,000 U. S. officers, most of whom were unable to speak or understand the Korean language, quickly recruited them and their Korean collaborators to continue administrative functions. More important, and egregiously, the U. S. military government revived the feared Japanese colonial police force, the Korean National Police (KNP). About 85 percent of the Koreans who had served in the Japanese colonial police force were quickly employed by the U. S. to man the KNP. Other collaborators were recruited into the Korean Constabulary created in December 1945 by the commander of the U. S. forces in Korea, General John R. Hodge. Secret protocols, later revealed, gave the U. S. operational control of the South Korean police and all of its armed forces from August 15, 1945 to June 30, 1949. Additionally, many Japanese and Korean collaborators who had been correspondingly purged, often brutally as well, by Russian forces and the new popular Korean committees in the north, became core members of powerful paramilitary groups like the Korean National Youth (KNY) and the Northwest Youth League (NWY) in the south which would work in concert with the U. S./Rhee security forces. This was happening despite the fact that the U. S. government knew full well of Korean desires in 1945 for independence. General John Reed Hodge, commander of the XXIV Corps of the United States Tenth Army, became Commanding General of the US Armed Forces in Korea because his forces could be moved quickly to Korea after Japan The study described the extent of the 40 year Japanese rule and its collusion with an aristocratic Korean minority, reiterating that the majority of tenant-farmers were terribly oppressed. Nonetheless, the U. S. had no intention to grant the Koreans their historical legal and cultural rights to independence. And a subsequent U. S. survey of Korean attitudes disclosed that nearly three quarters of the population clearly wanted a socialist, rather than a capitalist, system. Furthermore, early reports revealed that their socialist leanings were quite independent of any directives from the Soviet Union, and were cooperative with but not under the thumb of northern Korea communists. The U. S. hurriedly organized wealthy conservative Koreans representing the traditional land-owning elite and, on September 16, convened the Korean Democratic Party (KDP). According to XXIV Corps intelligence, the U. S. had quickly identified s personal plane. At the conclusion of World War II, Goodfellow was director of a mysterious s principal U. S. advisor and was a key agent for Korean-American business deals, and likely intelligence operations, involving both the U. S. and Nationalist China prior to the success of the Communists over the Nationalists. In 1954 Goodfellow was working with the former head of propaganda operations for the OSS in importing tungsten for the U. S. which at the time was desperate to maintain its military stockpile. Rhee had been born in 1876 in Hwanghae Province, south of Pyonyang, into a struggling, though upper class family in the Yi dynasty. While attending a Methodist middle school in Seoul he repudiated Buddhism and Confucianism in favor of Christianity. However, he was vigorously opposed to the Japanese presence in Korea. He was arrested by Japanese police authorities and was sent to prison for several years. After release he had left for the United States in 1905, and was apparently able to arrange a meeting with outgoing Secretary of State John Hay in urging Theodore Roosevelt to protect Korean independence as the President was mediating an end to the Russo-Japanese War. He apparently was also able to meet with Roosevelt at his summer home at Oyster Bay, Long Island, at the very same time that Roosevelt s plane thirty-three years later with his wealthy Austrian wife whom he had met on a 1932 trip to Europe. To his credit an anti-Japanese colonialist, he had at one point been the leader of a Korean Provisional Government in exile, but was expelled in 1925 for embezzlement. Now Rhee, a Methodist, would quickly become the U. S. puppet leader in Buddhist and Confucianist Korea, just as Diem, a Catholic who had been temporarily living in New Jersey, was to be in Buddhist Vietnam nearly ten years later in the continuation of a tragic Asian policy in which the U. S. continued to confuse national movements for self-determination with monolithic communism. When he returned to Korea in 1945 few Koreans or U. S. Americans knew much about him since he had been in exile in the U. S. for a total of nearly forty years. Now, with its Korean police state forces beefed up and a Korean political puppet it could herald as the new democratic leader of a South Korea, the U. S. Military Government could begin its systematic purge of all opposition forces. On October 20, at the Welcoming Ceremony for the Occupation, Rhee made it clear he was not intending to unify the country. Rhee denounced Russia and the North and refused to work with the KPR that had been democratically created on September 6. Rhee quickly embraced the pro-Japanese Koreans already working with the U. S. military government, while denouncing the more numerous anti-Japanese advocates on the Left. On December 12, 1945, the USAMGIK, working closely with Syngman Rhee, outlawed the KPR and all its related local, provincial and national democratic peoples s organizations, youth groups, and other elements of the popular movement were targeted as well. In September 1946, disgruntled workers declared a daring strike that by October spread throughout South Korea. The USAMGIK declared martial law. By December, the combination of KNP forces, the Constabulary (called the National Defence Forces by Koreans, later to become the Republic of Korea Army or ROKA), and right-wing paramilitary units, supplemented by U. S. military forces and intelligence as needed, had forcefully contained the insurrection in all provinces. More than 1,000 Koreans had been killed with more than 30,000 jailed. Regional and local leaders of the popular movement were either dead, in prison, or had gone underground. Cheju Uprising in Response to Rhee s Plans for Separate Elections Leads to Cheju Massacre Rhee, with total U. S. support, was busily preparing for a political division of Korea involuntarily imposed on the vast majority of the Korean people. Following suppression of the October-December 1946 insurrection, in 1947 Koreans began to form small guerrilla units that conducted sporadic activities for a year or so. On March 1, 1948, a large nonviolent demonstration on Korea s rebellion that erupted on the island on April 3. As matters seemed to be getting out of hand, a number of leaders from throughout Korea attempted one last effort at peaceful reunification. An emergency national conference was convened on April 19-23, 1948, in Pyongyang, attended by most political leaders on the right as well as the left, except for Rhee. Conferees opposed Rhee s scheduled plans for separate elections in the south on May 10, about to be sanctioned by the U. S./U. N. However, the convention was unable to dislodge the U. S./Rhee position, and the elections proceeded as scheduled. This was a further depressing development for most Koreans, closing any space for democratic participation that might lead to a reunified Korea. This was the last time representatives from organizations both south and north of the 38th Parallel were to meet in Korea to discuss reunification until the historic summit between the two respective leaders nearly fifty-two years later, June 13-15, 2000. But dramatic escalation of armed resistance to the US/Rhee regime was about to begin. The U. S. military commander in Cheju, Colonel Rothwell Brown, ordered an indiscriminate scorched earth campaign as the Cheju uprising escalated. The U. S. Navy blockaded the island with eighteen warships, while bombarding it with 37mm cannons. U. S. planes conducted regular reconnaissance missions and dropped grenades and small bombs. U. S. mortars, machine guns, rockets, and M-1 rifles were provided to the NKP, the Constabulary/military, and right-wing paramilitary units. U. S. advisers conducted daily counterinsurgency briefings, interrogated and tortured prisoners, brought Japanese officers and soldiers to aid in the suppression efforts, and contributed U. S. combat troops at critical moments. All this suppression effort was applied despite the fact that officials of the USAMGIK had acknowledged prior to the uprising that the Cheju islanders had been treated cruelly by the NKP and Rhee s right-wing units. While the Cheju insurgency and the responding U. S./Rhee s southern coast. However, within two weeks this mutiny was contained by a brutal campaign coordinated by U. S. military adviser Captain James Hausman and intelligence officer Captain John Reed, and carried out by young Korean colonels with the aid of U. S. reconnaissance and transport aircraft, firepower, and ground troops as necessary. The numbers of civilians massacred dramatically escalated. All Koreans suspected of those thought sympathetic with the uprising were executed. The only rebels spared were those who agreed to collaborate with the U. S. officers to aid in identifying and hunting other participants in the rebellion. One of the collaborators apparently was Park Chun Hee, later to become dictatorial ruler of South Korea, who escaped execution by helping in the identification of his former associates, including his own brother. More than 1,000 Yosu rebels fled into the Chiri mountains in November where they joined with other guerrillas. At the time, the CIA estimated there were 3,500 to 6,000 guerrillas in the southern part of the mainland, not counting rebel activity on the Island of Cheju. It is important to note that most of Cheju s residents, like the vast majority of mainland Koreans, experienced a marginal existence under the thumb of a traditional tiny elite who owned most of the land and businesses. The Japanese occupation had strictly maintained this disparity. It is within this socio-economic context in which the majority expressed their unhappiness with the status quo, often leading to desperate guerrilla activity as the only alternative available to them. The success of the Yosu suppression gave the state security forces more confidence as they stepped up their repression efforts. Rhee quickly pushed a National Security Law through the National Assembly. The law included ambiguous language, campaigns in both the Cheju and Yosu uprisings. Korean Division Becomes Seventy-three-year-old Rhee was elected President on May 10, 1948, an election boycotted by virtually all Koreans except the conservative, elite KDP and Rhee s first premier on September 9, 1948. Meanwhile, the Russian forces that had occupied the north since August 1945 withdrew on schedule in December 1948, leaving only a small number of advisors behind. After the ROK was offically proclaimed in August 1948, the U. S. State Department argued to delay the expected withdrawal of U. S. combat troops until June 30, 1949. This provided Rhee with additional benefits from U. S. combat support against his civilian and guerrilla opposition. These forces were finally withdrawn at the end of June 1949, replaced by a 500-man Korean Military Advisory Group (KMAG), headed by Brigadier General William L. Roberts. Meanwhile, in September 1949, following the withdrawal of the majority of U. S. troops, Rhee s Kuomintang (KMT) forces who by late 1949 were sequestered in Burma in the wake of the Communist victory. All of the CAT planes had by then been safely moved to Formosa. In August 1949 Chiang Kai-Shek visited Rhee seeking an airbase in Korea that could assist the Nationalists in their continued campaign against the Chinese communists. Rhee in turn invited Chennault to Korea in November 1949 to present plans for developing a Korean air force along with the necessary secure bases. However, not until the Korean hot war started did the U. S. brass authorize the forty CAT planes relocated to six CIA training stations in Japan and Korea to fly transport, bombing and intelligence missions against Chinese installations along the coast, as well as serving the U. S./ United Nations campaigns against North Koreans. The nearly bankrupt airline, despite CIA funds, had a new lease on life, and was given the job of running the Korean National Airline as well. The Systematic Elimination of Civilian Dissent Both U. S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson and George Kennan, Asian specialist at the U. S. State Department, made it clear in 1949 that the ability of the This helps explain the large role the U. S. military played in suppressing any and all resistance to the Rhee regime: advisers with all Korean army and police units, use of spotter planes to ferret out guerrillas, daily briefings of counterinsurgency units, interrogation and torture of prisoners, regular intelligence briefings, use of transport planes carrying armed troops and supplies, and even the occasional use of U. S. combat forces. The Rhee/U. S. forces escalated their ruthless campaign of cleansing the south of dissidents, identifying as a suspected during the era of legal U. S. occupation (August 15, 1945-August 15, 1948) and the succeeding extended period until June 30, 1949 when U. S. combat troops were finally withdrawn, often are in the 500,000 range, with the lowest figure being 100,000, the highest being 800,000. Political prisoners under U. S. occupation increased from 17,000 in southern Korea at the time Rhee was brought from the United States in October 1945, to over 21,000 by December 1947. By mid-1949, there were 30,000 alleged of being thrown in prison. Agents had penetrated every organization, every student group, every cafe, and every workplace seeking any evidence of publicly expressed dissent and contempt for the Rhee regime. And even though the bulk of U. S. troops had departed, officials from the U. S. embassy and with the remaining 500 man U. S. Military Advisory Group knew and was complicit in this reign of terror. A 1948 CIA personality profile analysis of Rhee, apparently the first ever prepared on a foreign leader by the relatively new CIA, concluded: Republic of Korea (ROK). This sordid record of U. S. policy and its consequent behavior in Korea between 1945-50 served as a led to the murders of anywhere from 500,000 to one million. The Phoenix program in South Vietnam sought to eliminate the Viet Cong civilian infrastructure from 1967-72, with estimates of those killed and/or captured reaching nearly 70,000. U. S. support for the counterrevolutionary government in El Salvador and its associated death squads from 1980 to 1994 led to the murders of 75,000 people, and displacement of more than a million. In revolutionary Nicaragua, U. S. created counterrevolutionary terrorists called Contras that marauded from 1982-90 through the countryside, destroying villages and assassinating those identified as supportive of the revolutionary government. More than 75,000 Nicaraguas were murdered or severely maimed. There are many other examples, as well, perhaps six or seven dozen, where the use of military and security forces have used (and continue to use) terrorism under the aegis of fighting terrorism, more than not with U. S. support and direction, to preserve an ideology that supports the way of life for the elite and privileged at the expense of the poor majority. But with the possible exception of the barbaric purge in Indonesia from 1965-1967, which murdered anywhere from 500,000 to one million, the systematic elimination of the popular movement in Korea directed by the U. S./Rhee regime from 1945-50 continues to rank as the most aggrieved of all victim-nations during the so-called Cold War. Meanwhile, and ironically, the period 1945-50 was experienced by most U. S. Americans as being among the most pleasant in their history. Basking in military victory from World War II, feeling invincible with possession and further development of the most powerful and technologically sophisticated military weaponry ever known to humankind, the people of the United States through their plutocratic government and capitalist economics were to rule the world. They would perceive as a threat virtually any alternative political-economic idea and prevent it from taking hold. began its truly global march to everywhere. U. S. Decides To Announce Beginning of Hot War The hot war apparently began at Ongjin very near the 38th Parallel in western Korea about 3 or 4 a. m. on June 25 (Korean time), 1950. This was in the same general area where heavy fighting had erupted at Kaesong in early May 1949, when battles, apparently started by six infantry companies from the south, lasted four days, taking the lives of 400 North Korean and 22 South Korean soldiers. According to U. S. and South Korean officials, nearly 100 civilians were also killed in Kaesong. Subsequent heavy fighting occurred in June on the remote Onjin Peninsula on the west coast above Seoul, and in August when forces from the north attacked the ROKA occupying a small mountain north of the 38th Parallel. Rhee had constantly threatened attacks on North Korea, creating anxiety among U. S. advisers. Just how the fighting started and by whom on that particular day, June 25, 1950, depends on one s forces. This was announced on the morning of June 26. The details are irrelevant, however, since a civil and revolutionary war had been raging for nearly two years with military incursions moving routinely back and forth across the 38th Parallel. The war was announced to the world as a premeditated, belligerent attack of communist forces from the north against a sovereign democratic society in the south. The quick introduction of U. S./U. N. military forces beginning on June 26 occurred with no understanding by the West (except by a few astute observors such as journalist I. F. Stone) that in fact they were entering an active revolutionary, civil war in progress explicitly against five years of U. S. interference with the passionate effort of indigenous Koreans to achieve genuine independence. These additional outside forces simply fueled Korean passions even more, while creating further divisions among them. This tragic paranoid misunderstanding by the U. S. and the West in general, accompanied by deeply held racism, helps to explain, but not in any way excuse, the massive numbers of civilians ( was as commonly applied to Koreans by U. S. military personnel as it was to Vietnamese later, during the Vietnam War. The Rhee forces, mostly made up of Koreans collaborating with their former Japanese occupiers, were also merciless in their killing of fellow Korean civilians in both southern and northern areas of Korea. Continuing Threat of Use of Atomic Weapons on Northern Korea and China Due to the early military successes of the northern forces pushing the ROK army and U. S. forces far south of Seoul, General MacArthur, on July 9, 1950, requested the use of Atomic bombs to protect his retreating forces. After some deliberation in Washington, this request was denied. This was the first of at least nine separate circumstances when the U. S. seriously considered using Atomic/Nuclear bombs against northern Korea and adjacent regions of China during the Korean War. A second and had non-assembled Atomic bombs moved to aircraft carriers off Korean coasts. Seven subsequent known serious considerations of using the Bomb occurred. In December 1950, only a short time after Truman if necessary to avoid defeat. In March and April 1951, the Joint Chiefs of Staff requested use of Atomic bombs against Chinese bases in Korea and China, a plan supported in principle by President Truman who ordered the transfer (of completely assembled Atomic weapons) in Asia (Guam and Okinawa, Japan) for use against Chinese and North Korean targets if the Soviets and Chinese in any way escalated the war that spring. In June and July 1951, the Joint Chiefs of Staff requested use of Atomic weapons in tactical operations, five months after the first U. S. tests of tactical Nuclear weapons, in case of deadlocks in the peace talks that had begun in July. In October 1951, three Army colonels traveled from Washington, D. C. to Japan and Korea for a top secret meeting with General Ridgeway, commander of the U. N. forces, and other officers, in part to initiate plans and preparations for in Asia. In September and October 1951, U. S. bombers flew simulated Atomic bombing runs over northern Korea, even dropping dummy Atomic bombs, in preparation for using the real thing if peace talks were unacceptably stalled. In May 1952, when General Mark Clark replaced General Mathew Ridgeway as Commander of the U. N. forces, he proposed a number of new steps, including deployment of Atomic bombs. In February 1953, shortly after President Eisenhower was elected to office, he directly threatened China with Atomic bombs. The U. S. Air Force transferred fresh Atomic bombs to Okinawa, and its chief of staff, Hoyt Vandenberg, publicly suggested that an area in northeastern China, Mukden (Shenyang, 150 miles north of the border with Korea containing a large air base), would be an appropriate strategic target. This crisis was averted by diplomacy of Soviet leaders who immediately succeeded Stalin after his death on March 5. On May 20, 1953, the National Security Council seriously discussed the counterpart as French foreign minister, turned down the offer due to his wise realization that the French forces would be wiped out as well if Atomic weapons were used. On at least two other occasions the U. S. has seriously considered using nuclear weapons against North Korea. The first was in 1969, within a few months after Nixon became President, when the North Koreans apparently shot down a U. S. plane, killing thirty-one persons. Nixon and his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, recommended dropping a Nuclear bomb, but were subsequently persuaded to nix the plan. The second time was in June 1994, when President Bill Clinton was on the verge of bombing North Korea t clear whether Clinton intended to use low-level nuclear bombs, it was clear that bombing of nuclear facilities risked substantial radiation over a wide-area. Only the personal interventions of South Korean President Kim Young Sam and former U. S. President Jimmy Carter on an emergency diplomatic mission averted the crisis within hours of the planned bombing. Incredible Record of Bombings and Massacres, Murdering Millions of Civilians Introduction: Long Record of U. S. War Crimes To this day, some of the heaviest sustained bombing in the Twentieth Century was rained on Korea, especially in the north, during the three years of the Korean War. This bombardment occurred from naval ships offshore as well as from the air. As described above, the U. S./U. N. forces were intervening in a country experiencing an active civil, revolutionary war where the majority of the people were opposed and hostile to any continued occupation by outside powers. The combination of grotesque Western racism, divinely inspired ethnocentrism, fear and confusion in Western minds unwilling to distinguish between and a hostile local Korean population, were all factors contributing to the U. S./U. N./Rhee forces showing almost total disregard for human life of Korean civilians. The history of U. S. behavior in military conflicts reveals a long pattern of contempt for civilians. The U. S. government has rationalized, usually by ignoring, murders of civilians due to the fact that, in the minds of our policy makers and their military forces, either civilians are not considered fully human, or there is often little distinction made between civilians and combatants, especially where our intervention is unpopular with the majority of the victim-nation The U. S. Constitution did not recognize Indigenous Americans as citizens (and by implication considered them as non-persons). Genocide number two occurred with the forceful ravaging of numerous African communities, killing the majority in the violent process of capturing millions to become s representation in the national House of Representatives. During the Twentieth Century, hundreds of military and thousands of covert interventions in more than one hundred nations have enabled the U. S. to acquire lucrative markets and cheap resources and labor, murdering millions of innocent poor in the process, to assure success, at virtually any cost, of the American Way Of Life (AWOL). This latter record amounts to genocide number three. All three genocides have enabled the U. S. civilization to be what it is today. Our historical, selfish addiction to money and material goods requires violent, deceitful control of virtually everything in our path. This behavior causes incalculable destruction to people and the environment wherever it is applied. Our attitude seems to be that other people, especially those of are worth less, often nothing, and that we are worth more, or everything. Our heavy karma is likely to return to haunt us in unimaginable ways. During and after the Spanish American War, the behavior of the U. S. military forces in repressing the Philippine Insurrection (1899-1902) matched and exceeded the use of official terror as earlier applied against U. S. Indigenous from the Revolutionary War period through the Wounded Knee Massacre in South Dakota in December 1890. Following the quick defeat of the Spanish fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay, Philippines (May 1, 1898), Commodore George Dewey brought out of exile the historic Filipino guerrilla leader Emilio Aguinaldo and his fighters to campaign against the Spaniards. When the original hostilities ended in August 1898, the Filipinos expected nothing less than full independence. Instead the Treaty of Paris signed on December 10, 1898, ceded the Philippines to the United States. The disillusioned and furious insurgents declared their own independent republic. The U. S. refused to acknowledge the new Republic with Aguinaldo as its President. Two Filipinos were killed by a U. S. soldier on February 4, 1899, and two days later on February 6 the U. S. Senate ratified the Treaty of Paris. Thus was ignited the Philippine-American War waged by the Indigenous to rid their country of their new colonializers. They mounted a rebel army of 40,000 that began a series of guerrilla actions against 70,000 U. S. Army and Marine forces. It was the largest Marine military campaign in U. S. history up to that time. The violent counterinsurgent campaign waged by U. S. forces against indigenous Filipinos foreshadowed the U. S. war against the Vietnamese, Laotians, and Cambodians sixty-years later: a jungle war against fierce local fighters defending their independence. Frustrated with the continued Indigenous resistance, native Filipinos that the U. S. Americans referred to as and he wanted all persons killed who were capable of bearing arms and engaging in combat against the forces of the United States. In other words virtually all healthy male citizens were targets for murder. New President Theodore Roosevelt sent a letter to General J. Franklin Bell, in charge of conquering Batangas Province in southern Luzon (south of Manila), congratulating him for his scorched earth campaign that had killed, according to an earlier estimate of the secretary of the province, one-third of the population through shootings, starvation, and war-induced disease. In July 1901, President Theodore Roosevelt selected Major General Adna Romanza Chaffee to replace Brigadier General Arthur MacArthur as military governor of the Philippines, and William Howard Taft as civil governor. MacArthur had successfully subdued the Filipino rebellion on Luzon by late 1899. Interestingly, MacArthur policy ranged from 200,000 to 600,000, many buried in mass graves. Secretary of War Elihu Root (1899-1904) under President Thus was established an official United States policy of murdering civilians and caring little about distinguishing them from combatants. Once air power was introduced after the beginning of the Twentiety Century, percentages of civilian casualties dramatically escalated. Bombings tend to cause indiscriminate casualties no matter how careful the bombardiers are, or how precise the technology. Often we have been told that the first instance of bombing of civilian populations was committed by German planes in April 1937 as they destroyed insurgent Guernica and surrounding villages in the Basque region of northern Spain during the Spanish Civil War. But when Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935-36 with the cover of 7,500 air missions it bombed and burned hundreds of villages committing systematic terror against and extermination of countless thousands of civilians. The British are believed to have used gas and incendiary bombs from warplanes indiscriminately killing massive numbers of Russian civilians and troops during the 1919-20 intervention against the new Soviet Union, and against rebellious Kurds and Arabs in British-controlled Palestine and Iraq from 1920-24 (as part of the breakup of the Ottoman Empire created by the newly formed League of Nations), attempting to control a vast area without use of ground troops. But the very first example of aerial bombing is believed to have been committed by the Italians in 1911 against Tripoli, Libya, and surrounding populations in Turkish North Africa, using live grenades thrown from open cockpits. Noncombatants were murdered ruthlessly, including destruction of a funeral parlor and a hospital. And it just escalates from there where countless civilian casualties became routine: Spanish shrapnel bombs against Moroccan villages in 1913, using exploding steel balls, perhaps an early version of today and French bombing of Damascus, Syria and surrounding towns in the Druze region (1925-26). The 1925 bombing of Sheshuan was an act of revenge for a dreadful defeat Spanish ground forces suffered there in late 1924 at the hands of Moroccan guerrillas. General Francisco Franco, who had founded the Spanish Foreign Legion in 1920, had conducted a ruthless occupation against Moroccans until the German air force moved his forces to Spain at the beginning of the civil war in 1936. The earlier defeat of the Spanish military at Seshuan was nothing that Franco would forget. Seshuan was bombed to ruins with most of its inhabitants murdered from the air with remaining survivors mostly maimed and blinded. And this massacre was assisted by a squadron of volunteer U. S. American fliers who had joined The French Flying Corps, who in turn planned the the bombing with the Spanish. Franco would use the brutal occupation of Morocco, and the total destruction through bombing of Seshuan, as the model that would guide his forth-year occupation of Spain (1936-1975). Seshuan in effect laid the foundation for the relentless bombing committed during the Spanish Civil War, symbolized by the destruction of the Basque capital at Guernica in 1937 (see above). And this record of increased dependency upon bombings with virtually no consideration for civilian life was to lay the foundation for the unprecedented bombings that were to occur during World War II, especially by the Allies and the United States in Europe and Japan. Though the United States was not the first country to use indiscriminate bombings as can be seen from the above record, it subsequently became by far the master of future relentless bombings where millions of civilians were to be murdered in World War II, Korea, Southeast Asia, Iraq, and Serbia-Kosovo. The first use of U. S. military aircraft in combat and aerial photography occurred when Navy planes supported Marines in operations in Vera Cruz, Mexico in April 1914. It is not known how many civilians were killed during this example of U. S. aerial combat. But the United States did use aerial bombings against civilian populations in Haiti as early as 1919. U. S. warships sailed into Haitian harbors at least twelve times prior to 1889, and nearly every year after, landing Marines on at least three of those occasions. In 1915 the United States military again intervened in Haiti, in their successful counterinsurgency campaign, bragging about their defeat of local opposition forces. In contrast, survivors remembered large numbers of civilians massacred in these air bombings. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), as part of a campaign to liberate Haitians from U. S. occupation, investigated conditions in Haiti in 1920 and learned that 3,000 Haitians had been murdered by U. S. Marines and that torture had become a regular practice. The second known incidence of civilian bombings by the U. S. occurred in Nicaragua in 1927. The U. S. had militarily intervened in Nicaragua on numerous occasions, the most recent being an occupation that lasted from 1912 to1925. The Marines returned almost immediately in 1926 to Again, memories of local survivors described hundreds of dead civilians as a result of the bombings. Though forcing Sandino back to the mountains in that bombing action, the Marines were never able to definitively defeat his army, and finally withdrew in 1933 when a peace agreement was reached. During World War II, of course, there were devastating, indiscriminate bombings of cities in Germany and Japan with virtually no regard for civilian casualties. The Germans had bombed Rotterdam in Holland, Coventry in England, and other cities as well. However, these German bombings were minor when compared with British and U. S. bombing of German cities. Saturation bombings of cities such as Cologne (killing at least 20,000 civilians), Magdeburg (15,000), Wurzberg (4,000), towns along the Ruhr River (87,000), Hamburg and Berlin (50,000), Essen, and Frankfort, often at night, made no pretense of striking only military targets. In a relatively short period of time at least 600,000 German civilians were killed in these bombings, and another 800,000 injured. The incredible terror bombing of Dresden alone, with phosphorous and other high explosive bombs, by more than 1,200 allied bombers on February 13, 1945, murdered in a single night as many as 200,000 civilians While the Pacific theatre was witnessing the last battles on various islands, the Allies emulated the German carnage when they relentlessly targeted Japanese cities with saturations of incendiary bombs. U. S. air power in the Pacific was placed under the direction of 38-year-old Major General Cutis LeMay, who later bec ame the architect of the unrestrained air war in Korea. From the safety of his Quonset hut headquarters on Guam 2,000 miles away, the island the U. S. military had taken from Spain in 1898 during the Spanish American War, LeMay directed the 21st Bomber Command in its firebombing of Japan that lasted from March 9 to the very day Japan surrendered on August 15, 1945. U. S. and other Allied air forces totally or partially burned sixty-six Japanese cities to the ground through intensive, unprecedented incendiary bombing, murdering or maiming upwards of a million Japanese civilians while destroying over two and a half million homes, displacing millions. LeMay s proudest moment came on the very day when he launched the 160 day incendiary campaign. On the very first night, March 9, during just one six-hour period, the firebombing by 325 U. S. planes dropped jellied-gasoline bomb clusters over seventeen square miles of Tokyo, destroying nearly 270,000 buildings, burning alive at least 100,000 civilians while injuring many thousands more. This Japan campaign was initiated only three and a half weeks after the devastating February 13 bombing of Dresden. By mid-June, bombings of Japan s Car, piloted by Major Sweeney (filling in for the usual pilot, Frederick Bock), August 9 on Nagasaki, which immediately killed at least 100,000 and 75,000 civilians, respectively. The very manner in which these so-called constitutional democracies during World War II chose to overwhelm fascism, in effect, institutionalized abandonment of any moral standards and laws applied to war conduct. There was now clearly no difference between means for accomplishing the same result. Terror was now official policy. The pattern of murdering civilians has continued. Subsequent U. S. military operations, both on the ground and from the air, in Southeast Asia (1954-1975), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989-90), and the Persian Gulf massacre (1991), cumulatively took upwards of six million lives, the overwhelming majority knowingly or deliberately being civilians, while maiming millions more. Defenseless bombings of Libya (1986), Iraq (1993), Afghanistan and Sudan (1998), Iraq (1998-present), and Kosovo and Serbia (1999), murdered countless numbers of additional civilians as well, where civilian population and infrastructure were deliberate targets. Furthermore, various formulas of U. S. sponsorship, such as provision of weapons and/or training and funding, directly or indirectly, for counterinsurgency forces and contra terrorists, and death squads, in dozens of countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, Bangladesh, Chiapas, Mexico, Chile, Colombia, East Timor, El Salvador, Guatemala, Indonesia, Mozambique, Nicaragua and Turkey have produced upwards of six million additional civilian murders, with millions of others maimed for life. Evidence from documents prepared by the U. S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), among the most secret offices of the U. S. national security apparatus, reveals that the U. S. and its dupe Allies in the U. N. deliberately destroyed Iraq public water supplies during the Persian Gulf massacre in 1991. Since the end of the war in February 1991, the U. S. has made sure that any attempts to restore a healthy water system have been thwarted, stating that spare parts and water purifying chemicals possess a dual use that could be used by the Iraqi military as well. During the January-February 1991 bombing, Iraq The subsequent blockade of Iraq has assured that the destroyed water system not be corrected, which, as a consequence, has directly contributed to the deaths of perhaps an addtional one million or more Iraqi civilians, the majority young children. In light of this history, the fact that as many as three, possibly as many as four million civilians were killed during the Korean War should come as no surprise. The documented, historical record powerfully reveals that U. S. policies have never been concerned with respecting civilians or the international laws that are in force to protect them in times of war and military conflict. Despite official U. S. rhetoric to the contrary, the facts in the record strongly suggest that the U. S. deliberately and intentionally terrorizes civilians living in apparently suspecting them of being disguised North Korean soldiers. The New York Times (December 29, 1999) similarly reported that U. S. Air Force planes bombed and strafed Korean civilians deliberately under direction of spotter planes. Now let us look at the record of the U. S./U. N./Rhee forces at the beginning and duration of the Korean War itself. The Record of War Crimes by U. S./Rhee Forces During the Hot Korean War A number of years ago I read I. F. Stone as our Constituion absolutely requires. The first casualty in war is the truth, and Korea was certainly no exception. My visit to Korea in May 2000 was my fifth journey there. On one of my earlier trips I spent ten days in North Korea. My interest in seeking a truthful account of history has become important to my own integrity as a natural born U. S. American citizen. On this visit I listened to more than a one hundred humble Korean citizens in six different communities: Kyung San near Taegu City, about 150 miles southeast of Seoul and Yuhcho Ri near Chang Rung, Ham Ahn, Ma-san, Sa-Chun and Eui Ryung, all in South Kyongsang Province, locations caught inside the defensive Pusan Perimeter about 200 miles southeast of Seoul, the line delineated by Lt. General Walton Harris Walker of the U. S. Eighth Army in the panic of July 1950. I was in tears as I listened to what happened to them, their families, and villages nearly fifty years ago. These people were all survivors of grotesque massacres committed in their presence. Reporting with excruciating details, they described their shock as they stood in the very locations where they were shot at by U. S. soldiers, and/or bombed from low-flying U. S. warplanes, often with napalm. The terror frequently lasted for several days. They emotionally described events that led to the death, maiming, and disappearances of intimate loved ones and village friends. When I calculated the cumulative casualties from five of these six villages, the numbers added up to nearly 450 killed, with another 230 or so wounded. Many of these survivors revealed evidence of permanent injuries on their bodies bomb shrapnel and bullet wounds, and napalm burn scars. The sixth community I visited was near the city of Taegu. Relatives of the victims escorted us to an abandoned Japanese cobalt mine. When the Japanese were defeated in August 1945, they, of course, abandoned their various enterprises, as was the case with this mine. It had both a vertical shaft of perhaps sixty to eighty feet, and a horizontal shaft of perhaps one hundred yards. We slowly trekked into the tight horizontal shaft for about forty yards, walking through standing water and mud, crouching to avoid hitting our heads on its low ceiling. As it was pitch black, we moved with flashlights. Then, all of a sudden, we could not move any further as the collapsed mine walls prevented any forward movement. It was at this point that the vertical shaft had at one time met the horizontal shaft. There, in plain view of the light from our flashlights, were piles of skeletal remains. Local people describe how in the late days of July and very early August 1950, crowded truckloads of tied prisoners were taken to the top of the vertical shaft, some shot in the head, and all pushed down the opening while the horizontal shaft was blocked by South Korean soldiers under the command of U. S. military officers. It was a convenient mass grave that required no new digging. Their attempts at reconstructing the number of bodies dumped into this one massive grave are derived from estimating the numbers of dump-trucks driven over the course of several days to the site from various local communities where these survivors had witnessed numerous arrests, disappearances, and multiple shootings. They believe that 3,000 to 3,500 bodies were deposited at this one site alone. One U. S. military name kept repeating itself among the Korean survivors was heard from these survivors over and over again. According to declassified documents found in the U. S. national archives by Sung Yong Park, a Korean Methodist minister and researcher at Temple University, Kean had issued standing orders that civilians located in the combat zone be considered enemy. It should be noted that the other major U. S. military division in the region at the time was the 24th Infantry, commanded by Major General William F. Dean, momentarily headquartered at Taejon, about 80 miles to the northwest of Taegu, and nearly 100 miles south of Seoul. By July 20, Dean was separated from his unit near Taejon, and for 36 days wandered on foot through the hills south of Taejon until he was captured August 25, the highest ranking U. S. POW in the War. Dean, a career military officer since 1923, had assumed command of the 24th Infantry Division in June 1950, and had served as military governor of South Korea since October 1947, though he spoke no Korean. My sixth trip to Korea in August 2000 took me to two more sites where serious massacres occurred. One was at the Kumjung cave in Ilsan/Koyang City northwest of Seoul in Kyunggi Province. To date 170 skeletal remains have been excavated in a ten feet deep, elongated cavern. People were dragged from their homes, tortured for several days, then on or about September 28, 1950, according to ten family member survivors who escorted us to the site, murdered and dropped into this cavern by a combination of U. S. and South Korean military augmented by an anti-communist paramilitary group. The other site was at the now infamous Nogun ri railroad viaduct in North Chungchong Province nearly 100 miles to the south of Seoul. Virtually the entire unarmed population from the small villages of Imgae ri and Joo Gok ri, about 600-700 people in all, were rounded up on or about July 25, 1950, and forcefully moved through an open field to railroad tracks. First surveillance planes flew overhead, only to be followed up a short time later with several planes dropping numerous bombs. People were in shock. A dozen or so survivors that accompanied us to the site estimated that perhaps 100 people were killed from the unexplained bombing as the remaining members scrambled for cover under the protection of the nearby Nogun ri twin viaduct. Heavy small arms and machinegun fire from U. S. ground forces began on the evening of July 26 and continued until July 29. Most were murdered on the first night of the strafing, several hundred in all. I personally counted well over 300 bullet holes still imbedded in the concrete approaches on either side of the viaduct. Again General William B. Kean s name was mentionned as the commander of the troops involved at Nogun ri. The 7th Cavalry of the 1st Cavalry Division, part of the 25th Infantry Division commanded by Kean, were the elements identified as being perpetrators of the massacre. This testimony provides merely a taste of the incredible repressive attitudes and behaviors operating at the beginning of the war. The massacre at Nogun Ri, first revealed to the U. S. public only on September 30, 1999 by conscientious journalists, is merely the tip of the iceberg. Local committees investigating fifty-year-old massacres are springing up throughout South Korea, creating a national citizen s investigating committee. Representatives of the Congress for Korean Reunification (CKR) and from the National Alliance for Democracy and Reunification in Korea (NADRK) have identified dozens of cases of multiple murders of noncombatant civilians in southern Korea, committed by either U. S. forces directly, or forces working for Rhee but operating under U. S. command. And a Korea Truth Commission has been established with an office in Washington, D. C. planning hearings in the United States as well as in both North and South Korea. Additionally Koreans have initially identified dozens of similar sites north of the 38th Parallel. It is important to understand these local massacres in the context of the broader attitudes and policies held by leaders of the U. S./Rhee war machine. A recently unearthed Fifth Air Force headquarters memo from Colonel Turner C. Rodgers to General Timberlake, dated July 25, 1950, states: as the enemy. When the United States/UN forces had securely re-taken Seoul and restored Syngman Rhee to power in September 1950, U. S. Embassy reports indicate that Rhee directed a massive vindictive campaign that led to the rounding up and execution of more than 100,000 people alone in just a short period after his return to power. This figure is larger than the total number of people the U. S. government claimed were killed by northern and southern communists during the entire war. And in the autumn of 1950 when U. S. forces were in retreat in North Korea, General Douglas MacArthur ordered all air forces under his command to destroy This fact cannot be ignored forever At the time the Korean War broke out on June 25, 1950, many of the thousands of prisoners languishing in Rhee s forces during the war. President Truman, supporting General MacArthur s population ever killed through war in all of history. The truth is that the war in Korea, though primarily confined to the Korean Peninsula with some dangerous overlap in neighboring China, was an almost unlimited war of incredible mass destruction. In addition to perhaps the heaviest and most sustained saturation bombing ever recorded, over a period of thirty-seven months (including the intense forty-three days of bombings of Iraq in January-February 1991 and the seventy-eight days of bombings of Serbia and Kosovo in former Yugoslavia in March-June 1999), U. S. war planners regularly considered using Atomic weapons, as discussed above, and seriously considered use of chemical weapons (gas). In December 1950, General Mathew B. Ridgeway, after being appointed commander of the Eighth Army in Korea, is believed to have asked General MacArthur for use of gas. Ridgeway in Korea employing a daily average of 70,000 gallons against personnel and supply lines. Improvement in flame throwers, white phosphorous and smoke bombs also were noted during the war. Germ Warfare The secret use of germ warfare in Korea and portions of China in late 1951 and throughout 1952 is described in detail in a twenty-year study by Stephen Endicott and Edward Hagerman published in 1998, The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets From the Early Cold War and Korea (Indiana University Press). Endicott and Hagerman thoroughly research the best kept military secret of the large biological warfare (BW) program developed on a crash basis between 1951 and 1953. In December 1951, the U. S. Secretary of Defense, Robert A. Lovett, ordered that for offensive use of biological weapons. Two months earlier, in October, after some large U. S./U. N. defeats, the U. S. Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) had hand-delivered a secret order to General Mathew B. Ridgeway, then commander of all U. N. forces, to start germ warfare on a limited experimental scale in Korea. A later JCS directive on February 25, 1952 authorized a larger field test. The First Marine Air Wing operating under the direction of the Fifth Air Force carried out the secret missions. The U. S. had a number of CIA officers in North Korea and China collecting data on the effectiveness of the germ warfare program. If uncovered, the U. S. was to fall back on the fact that it had not signed the 1925 Geneva Protocol on biological warfare and had not participated in the 1907 Hague Convention that outlawed chemical weapons. Advanced biological warfare (BW) was developed in Japan (Unit 731) in occupied China during the 1930s and 1940s under the leadership of Lt. General Shiro Ishii. Following the Japanese defeat in World War II, the U. S. granted immunity to a number of Japanese scientists who were war criminals having conducted extensive biological warfare experiments both on Chinese cities, as well as having murdered more than 3,000 prisoners of war, including some U. S. POWs, in the course of carrying out scientific germ war tests. This immunity was granted in return for their cooperation in sharing their advanced knowledge of biological warfare with the U. S. and explicitly not with the Soviet Union. The U. S. Biological Warfare Laboratories, first established in 1943 at Camp Detrick in Frederick, MD, escalated their research and development of biological warfare using the knowledge from the Japanese researchers. By 1949, the U. S. JCS had biological warfare built into emergency war plans. In fact, the U. S. had an operational biological weapons system when the war started, and it was utilized at the very end of 1951 and throughout much of 1952 in both North Korea and portions of China. By 1952 the U. S. was spending nearly half a billion dollars on its BW program. The U. S. military lied to Congress and the U. S. public in declaring that their biological warfare program was purely defensive and only for retaliation. This program was similar to Operation Paperclip wherein the U. S. freed thousands of German POWs who had been scientists, doctors, and intelligence agents, granting them annonymity and immunity in return for becoming However, it is important to remember that Lord Jeffrey Amherst introduced the use of biological warfare in North America against Indigenous Americans in 1763 during the final battles of what became known in Other historians reported that the disease spread like wildfire among a number of tribes in addition to the Ottawas, and that the toll was over 100,000 dead. In the nineteenth century, the U. S. Army continued the use of contaminated blankets to control, then eliminate Indigenous Americans, especially those living in the Plains. See Stearn, E. Wagner, and Allen E. Stearn, The Effects of Smallpox on the Destiny of the American Indian (Boston: Bruce Humphries, 1945) . It is important to note that the U. S. pattern of using chemical and biological warfare has continued throughout the Twentieth Century. In Vietnam, under President s forests. An area the size of the states of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, (6 million acres/9400 square miles/24,400 square kilometers/2.4 million hectares) was decimated with chemicals that today remain in the Vietnamese food chain, causing a continuing tragedy of elevated cancers and birth defects. And subsequent documents reveal that the chemical companies knew no later than 1965, and that the U. S. government knew as early as 1967, and perhaps earlier, of the long-term health risks and sought to keep that information from the public, and from its own troops. When President Nixon was in office (1969-1974) the U. S. waged bacteriological warfare against Cuba. First Nixon directed that clouds be seeded over non-agricultural areas to induce torrential downpours causing flooding, while attempting to prevent rains over cane and other agricultural areas to induce draught. Then the CIA introduced African Swine Fever which decimated Cuban pig herds, a major source of protein in Cuba. The Cubans were forced to slaughter 500,000 pigs. This was the first outbreak of this disease in the Western hemisphere in the Twentieth Century. Under President Reagan and Vice President Bush, there were new outbreaks of African Swine Fever, and two outbreaks of hemorrhagic dengue. It was the first eruption of hemorrhagic dengue in generations in Latin America. Thus the notion of disease as a weapon, an example of biological and/or chemical warfare, is historically rooted in the policies of the U. S. government through its military and CIA. Examples of War Crimes From the Air and On the Ground in Korea The list of aerial bombings and ground shootings of civilians is almost endless. Examples of war crimes from the air: Late June-early July 1950, U. S. bombs Pyongyang over 700 civilians killed, over 100 injured. July 2, 1950, U. S. bombs Chang-Yun one civilian killed, 17 injured. July 5, 1950, U. S. bombs Sok-Cho 3 civilians killed. July 11-12, 1950, U. S. bombs Iri train station and adjacent market hundreds of civilians killed and wounded. July 14, 1950, U. S. bombs Tong-Chun 68 civilians killed. July 19, 1950, U. S. ground forces herd 2,000 civilians into a mountain pass near Youngdong then order bombing by U. S. planes all civilians believed to have been slaughtered. July 22, 1950, U. S. bombs Nanam 227 civilians killed, 177 injured. July 26, 1950, U. S. bombs Chul-Won 54 civilians killed. July 26, 1950, U. S. bombs Sariwon 107 civilians killed. July 29, 1950, U. S. bombs Chojang Ri in Konmyong region 64 civilians killed, 43 injured. July 1950, U. S. bombs Nampo 448 civilians killed. July 1950, U. S. bombs Hwang Hapdo 48 civilians killed, 27 injured. July 1950, U. S. bombs Wonsan 1,847 civilians killed, 2,367 injured. July 1950, U. S. bombs Hamhung 297 civilians killed, 446 injured. August 20, 1950, U. S. bombs Jangji in Kunbuk-myon region 100 civilians killed, 100 injured. November 8, 1950, seventy B-29s drop 550 tons of incendiary bombs on Sinuiju along the border with China Sinuiju virtually eliminated as an inhabitable city. November 15, 1950, U. S. napalms Hoeryong virtually total city burned. By November 25, 1950, a vast amount of territory of the northwest region of North Korea between the Yalu River and southwards toward enemy lines was a December 14-15, 1950, U. S. drops on Pyongyang 700 (500-lb) bombs, napalm, and 175 tons of delayed-fuse demolition bombs. January 3-5, General Ridgeway orders the Air Force to burn Pyongyang to the ground with incendiary bombs. U. S. B-29s drop new bombs on Kanggye. These bombs were 21 feet high and weighed 12,000 pounds. Inflicting enormous damage, they were very inaccurate, and were discontinued. January 19, 1951, U. S. bombs Sansung Ri and Jinpyong Ri in Bobuk-myon region 49 civilians killed, 90 injured. January 20, 1951, U. S. bombs with napalm a 150 yard-long cavern in Youngchoon, 90 miles southeast of Seoul, incinerating 300 civilians who had taken refuge there. Lunar New Year, 1951, U. S. bombs Cheo Ri in Kumsung-myon region 17 killed, 21 injured. Beginning in February 1951, U. S./U. N. warships begin sustained bombardment of the coastal cities of Wonsan, Songjin, and Chongjin that lasting 861 conscutive days, creating a stopping only one minute before the ceasefire hour of 10 p. m. on July 27, 1953. July-August 1951, more than 10,000 U. S. sorties conduct sustained bombing raids over Pyongyang where the pre-war population of half a million is now reduced to less than 50,000 due to casualties from bombing and attempted emigration to rural areas. Cities such as Hamhung, Chongjin, and Wonsan along the eastern coast on the Sea of Japan, and Sinuiju on the Yalu River bordering with China, are hit as well. Rural villages and surrounding areas carpet bombed as well. August 15, 1951, Korean Liberation Day, U. S. initiates a relentless bombing campaign intended to sever the Peninsula at the Yalu and Tumen Rivers, and to exhaust the population. From August 1951 to April 1952, the U. S. air forces (Marines, Navy, and Fifth and Twentieth Air Forces) fly more than 90,000 sorties against hundreds of rail lines with their locomotives and trains, bridges, and highways (claiming destruction of nearly 35,000 trucks). Napalm, fragmentation, and incendiary bombs are dropped on virtually anything that moves, including horse and push carts, as well as all buildings and shelters that might function as storage depots. Note: By early 1952, virtually everything in northern and central Korea has been levelled. June 23, 1952, U. S. bombs 11 hydroelectric plants along the Yalu bordering China, including the 4 most vital dams and power systems in North Korea, for example the huge Suping dam that supplied most of North Korea s as well, depriving North Korea of much of their electrical power for the remainder of the war. Simultaneously, the U. S. attacks numerous factories and mines. Beginning July 11-12, 1952, continuing through August, U. S. bombers are joined by war planes from Australia, South Africa, and South Korea in carrying out new sustained saturation bombings and burning campaigns on Pyongyang and 77 other North Korean cities and towns thousands killed. The civilian population of Pyongyang is substantially reduced further to about 40,000. On August 29, 1,403 sorties are involved, dropping 2,700 gallons of napalm and 697 tons of bombs, with 62,000 rounds of ammunition expended to strafe at low levels. September 1952, U. S. bombs oil refineries at Rashin near the border with Russia. May 13-16, 1953, U. S. bombs 5 irrigation dams that supply water for most of the country s rice production. Countless numbers of civilians killed from the flooding (number unknown). This is precisely the kind of war crime for which the Allies had condemned the Germans when they bombed the dikes in Holland in 1945. Many of the bombs dropped in Korea were of the delayed-action variety, timed to detonate anywhere from one to forty-eight hours after impact. Thus, repair crews operated not knowing when they, too, would be killed or injured from these delayed explosions. Examples of war crimes on the ground (sometimes supported by aerial bombings): July 11, 1950, Euisan 54 civilians killed, 300 injured. July 26-29, 1950, Nogun Ri several hundred civilians killed. (In August 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village). August 2, 1950, Sa-Chun 54 civilians killed, 57 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 3, 1950, Yeh-Kwan-Kyo several hundred civilians killed and injured. August 3, 1950, Go-Ryung several hundred civilians killed and injured. August 3, 1950, U. S. forces detonate the Tuksong and Waegwan bridges crossing the Naktong River, twenty-five miles apart, hundreds of civilians fleeing on the bridges at the time are killed. August 10-11, 1950, Ma-San 83 civilians killed. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 21, 1950, Life Magazine reports that U. S. officers ordered soldiers to shoot at clusters of civilians. August 20-22, 1950, Eui-Ryung 73 civilians killed, 50 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 1950, 15 days of ground shooting supported by bombings, Chung Gi Ri in Ham-Ahn county 170 civilians killed, 200 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) August 25, 1950, Chang Ryung 60 civilians killed, 20 injured. (In May 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village.) September 28, 1950, Kumjung Cave in Ilsan, 170 skeletal remains to date. (In August 2000, I personally took testimony from survivors in this village). September 1950, General MacArthur re-imposes the Rhee regime. A U. S. Embassy official estimated that after September, often with the direct knowledge or assistance of U. S. military. One day in February 1951 in Kochang a massacre took place with some 600 civilians herded into a ditch and murdered with machine guns. October 17 December 7, 1950, for 52 days U. S. forces occupy the city of Sinchon, 50 miles southwest of Pyongyang. Over 35,000 civilians are systematically slaughtered, several thousand are burned to death when herded into enclosed shelters and ignited with gasoline. January 19, 1951, Yeh-Chun 49 civilians killed, 90 injured. January 20, 1951, Dan-Yang 300 civilians killed. Note: This list is to be continued with the receipt of further information from research and new revelations. Post-War Korea Rhee s Turbulent Regime Until Overthrown in April 1960 Rhee continued to rule as a tyrant after the war, and continued to be increasingly unpopular with both his U. S. protectors and a majority of his Korean subjects until he was run out of the country by massive demonstrations in April 1960, when Rhee was eighty-five years old. Rhee and his Austrian wife Francesca hurriedly went into exile in Hawaii. Convinced of his own messianic importance, Rhee was labeled by the CIA at the beginning of the hot Korean War as (italics added) For a brief time after Rhee s democracy. It is interesting to note that in December 1960, during this open period, the surviving people from the now famous July 1950 massacre at the village of No Gun Ri, first took their grievances and request for compensation to the U. S. and Korean governments. The U. S. government shunned the request. As the reader may remember, a September 29, 1999 Associated press story first made public the U. S. massacre at No Gun Ri, which has opened a floodgate from many other locations of similar massacre accounts. However, the elite land owners and the right-wing became terrified with this drift to the The Korean economy was still relatively poor, and it retained a dependency on the United States. The Korean military and the right-wing were quickly running out of patience. They wanted to be in charge. The military coup of May 16, 1961, tragically concluded this short experiment with Korean democracy and hoped-for reunification with the North. Repressive Military Dictator, Pro-American General Park Chung Hee, 1961-1979 The regime of repressive military dictator, pro-American and prosperity for a middle class, and the expansion of octupus-like corporations known as Chaebols. These were, and are, generally family-owned and managed groups of commercial enterprises that operate monopolies and oligopolies in particular product lines and industries. Usually they originated in landed families with direct lineage. However, this He quickly established the Republic of Korean (ROK) CIA shortly after his 1961 coup, and by 1964, this secret agency had 370,000 officers and staff. Park s reign abruptly ended with assassination on October 26, 1979 by his then Korean CIA chief, Kim Chae-gyu. Rev. Moon, who many U. S. Americans have heard so much of, considers himself the new Messiah, and his wealthy organization, working with assistance from Kim Chong Pil, purchased substantial influence inside the U. S. government, as well as with Japan. In 1982 Moon was the main financial backer for creation of The Washington Times, a staunch supporter for the Reagan-Bush terrorist policies in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Moon s money remains mysterious, his simultaneous connections to the Bush family, Kim Dae Jung in South Korea, and Kim Jong Il in North Korea, will provide an interesting side scenario in the early 2000s. The U. S. CIA assisted in recruiting cadres for the KCIA, using similar methods being used to staff the Vietnamese Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) under Diem, which was the early beginnings of the later Phoenix assassination program. The CIA sent its top psychologist to Seoul to assist in the inital selection of the nucleus for the KCIA. Tests were given to a number of Korean police and military personnel to assess candidates strengths and weaknesses using a The CIA also immediately dispatched interrogators (cf. torturers) to Korea, initially working at the newly created joint KCIA-USCIA interrogation center in Yon Don Tho outside Seoul. Repression of dissidents, i. e. those who advocated reunification of the Peninsula or were critical of Park s tenure, making it a capital offense to disturb the tranquility of the nation, i. e. to advocate discussions about reunification with the North. By the early 1960s there were more than 700 of these political prisoners housed for life in a separate compound at the big prison at Taejon, a facility that had no heat, allowed no visitors, and provided no bedding. An ex-guard at the prison described how the men kept warm in the winter by rubbing quickly with their hands on their skin, over and over, day and night. Each of these prisoners were promised immediate release if they signed a statement refuting their advocation of reunification of the two Koreas. Most of these men who survived their cruel incapacitation served more than 30 years before beginning to be released in the mid-to-late 1990s. Of the nearly 100 ex-prisoners still alive in August 2000, more than half chose in early September to return to North Korea and resume their passion for reunifying their homeland. Park sent 312,000 military soldiers to aid the U. S. war against the self-determination forces in Vietnam during the period September 1965 to March 1973. The U. S. paid the bill for these forces, who were known for their brutality, making this one of the largest mercenary operations in history. General Chae Myong-shin served as the Commander-in Chief of the South Korean troops in Vietnam from 1965-1969. Korean primary area of operations was in II Corps along the central Vietnam coast from Phan Rang, south of Cam Ranh Bay, to Qui Nhom, further north. The ROK Marine Corps 2nd Blue Dragon Brigade landed in Vietnam in September 1965 and operated in northern areas until February 1972. The Capital Tiger Division also arrived in September 1965 in Qui Nhon. The ROK 9th White Horse Division landed at Ninh Hoa near Cam Ranh Bay in September 1966 in the more southern area of their area of operations. At any one time, there were about 50,000 Korean troops present there. Future Korean military dictators, Chun Doo-hwan (1980-1988) and Roe Tae Woo (1988-1993), served under Chae as Korean military officers in Vietnam, receiving much of their preparation. A total of 5,083 Korean soldiers were killed during the Vietnam War. In the year 2000, Kim Ki-tae, a former Korean Marine officer in Vietnam, confirmed massacres of civilians by his forces in 1966 in Quang Ngai Province in Vietnam. Korean troops massacred at least 1,000 plus civilians (out of a population of 6,000) in Binh An (January February 1966) and another 600-700 in neighboring Quang Ngai and Phu Yen Provinces in early 1966. How many other civilians were killed is not yet known. And Kim Yeong Man, a ROK Marine veteran of the war in Vietnam, is the only known member of the 312,000 Korean troops who served there who has returned his war medals to the Korean government and publicly apologized for his role in the murder of civilian populations. which in turn high-financed his powerful lobby in the U. S. while enabling maintenance of incredible covert intelligence operations against Korean dissidents living and studying in the U. S. with the assistance of the FBI, and most likely the CIA as well. Dictatorial Regimes of Major General Chun Doo-Hwan, 1980-1988, and General Roh Tae Woo, 1988-1993 The October 26, 1979 assassination of President Park created a brief void in the South Korea power structure. U. S. President Jimmy Carter became anxious about political stability and possible threats from North Korea and sent an aircraft carrier to near Korean shores. The U. S. relied on the predictable Korean military for assuring security. On December 12, 1979, Major general Chun Doo Hwan, chief of the Defense Security Command (DSC), and General Roh Tae Woo, commander of the ROK s Ninth Division stationed in Seoul, both nominally under U. S. military control, executed a coup with thirty-six other Korean military officers. This coup brought to power the 1955 graduating class of the Korean Military Academy, arresting a number of other ROK officers who fled to the U. S. Eighth Army headquarters in Seoul for protection. Nonetheless, in the early months of 1980 there was some political space throughout the country under an interim government that restored some of the political rights that had been forbidden unde r Park. In late April some miners took over a small town in eastern Korea, and Chun Doo Hwan used this political activities, including that they be empowered to independently assess the reliability of Korean political candidates. After Chun took over as head of the KCIA, demonstrations erupted all over the country, and by mid-May thousands of students and regular citizens were in the streets of virtually every city. m On May 17, Chun declared martial law, closed the universities, dissolved the legislature, banned all political activity, and arrested thousands of political leaders and demonstrators in the late night hours of May 17-18. In effect, Chun completed the coup begun on December 12. In the process, the Kwangju rebellion was ignited. See account and chronology in section below. Chun was President Reagan Chun received a further boost when the Reagan administration sold South Korea thirty-six jet fighters and added several thousand more U. S. troops to be stationed there. Shortly after his Washington visit, in February, Chun arranged for his own inauguration as President of South Korea. His tenure was full of repression for thousands of dissidents, along with rampant corruption. In 1981 alone, he had arrested over 37,000 civic, labor, and student leaders for their political views and imprisoned them in remote areas. By the end of his Presidency in 1988 he had amassed 900 million through various illegal schemes. Understandably his repressive presidency was extremely unpopular. After another student had been tortured to death in 1987, the ruling party nominated Chun s successor. Roh continued the repressive and corrupt practices of Chun, having amassed an illegal fortune of 650 million for himself. The election of Kim Young Sam in 1993 finally removed the Korean military from their explicit rule from within the presidency itself, though retaining plenty of power over Korean political policy. In 1996, Chun and Roh were tried for their role in the December 1979 coup, in the 1980 Kwangju massacre, and for outrageous corruption. On August 22, 1996 they were convicted, Chun sentenced to death but commuted to life, Roh receiving 22 years in prison. Kwangju Massacre, May 1980 To help understand the U. S. role in this May 1980 massacre, it is instructive to describe the political context in the critical year 1979, and the thinking that derived therefrom in the minds of the so-called human-rights-oriented Carter administration officials in Washington, D. C. The January 1, 1959 Cuban people s life, and by 1979, a nineteen-year harsh economic embargo, had terribly hurt but not destroyed the Cuban revolution, and it is almost beyond belief in U. S. American political minds that Cuba remains independent of the United States and its savage capitalist model. The U. S. final defeat in Southeast Asia (Vietnam) on April 30, 1975, was still deeply stinging U. S. politics. It also stung the Korean leadership. Korean Park had expressed feeling threatened by the 1975 U. S. pullout in Vietnam and increasingly considered the U. S. as an unreliable ally. In January 1979, Vietnamese troops marched into Phnom Penh, Cambodia (Kampuchea) and ousted the ruthless Khmer Rouge regime, the U. S. to choose to support Pol Pot at the U. N. against the continued U. S. enemy Vietnam which now was backing the new government in Cambodia. In January 1979, the western-friendly Shah of Iran (who was placed in power in the first place by a CIA coup in 1953) was deposed, and forced to flee the country. The western-unfriendly Ayatollah Khomeini returned from exile on February 1, 1979 and quickly proclaimed an Islamic Republic. On July 19, 1979, the Sandinistas, accused by the U. S. of being for Western capitalist interests around the globe. When President Reagan came into power in January 1981, the U. S. very quickly started planning ways to thwart the Sandinista government, leading to an all out effort utilizing U. S. trained and armed terrorist forces and an economic blockade aimed at overthrowing the government. In neighboring El Salvador, serious strikes and widespread dissent broke out from March through May 1979. An anticipated military coup occurred on October 15, 1979, launching a civil war that lasted until a U. N.-brokered peace accord was signed in 1991. In 1980 the U. S. started pouring in the first of what became billions of dollars to support a series of corrupt, death-squad supporting governments to contain and defeat the guerrillas and the popular movement working for democratic changes throughout the society. On October 26, 1979, Korean in Korea. On November 4, 1979, the U. S. Embassy in Tehran, Iran was seized by Islamic militants, and 62 U. S. Embassy staff were taken hostage. This was another serious blow to U. S. prestige and hegemony. On November 6, 1979, President Carter created a secret policy-making crisis team to monitor the evolving situation in Korea ( and Donald Gregg, intelligence staff of the National Security Council and previously CIA station chief in Korea (1973-1975). On December 12, 1979, Chun and Roh seized control of the South Korean military. On December 25, 1979, 85,000 Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan at the of Babrak Karmal, joining a large number of So viet troops already present there. Carter had begun to send covert aid to murky Marxist but anti-Soviet elements in July 1979, contributing to fears by a pro-Soviet government that it would be covertly overthrown by the U. S. In February 1980, U. S. military intelligence knew that Korean Special Forces were being used by Chun to assure stability in domestic affairs. On May 7, 1980, U. S. Ambassador Gleystein cabled that he was aware of Korean movement of two Special Forces brigades to Seoul for actions against student demonstrators. On May 8, 1980, the U. S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) cabled the Joint Chiefs of Staff detailed information about the deployment of Korean Special Forces 13th Special Warfare Command (SWC) Brigade, 11th Brigade and 7th Brigade to Seoul and Kwangju. The cable included information about the extensive training of these units in the use of CS gas for riot control purposes. Conversation with a former Korean military official who was a member of the Fiftieth Division supply office at Taegu at the time of the Kwangju massacre, indicated that U. S. military experts in chemical weapons briefed Korean military personnel on using those weapons to have a paralyzing effect on the rioters at Kwangju. (CS is a virulent form of tear gas banned in some countries as a form of chemical warfare.) On May 8, 1980, Ambassador Gleystein, with the advance approval of Warren Christopher and Richard Holbrooke, assured Chun that the U. S. would not oppose contingency plans to use military troops to maintain order. On May 17, 1980, Chun declared martial law provoking massive ecalations of street protests, seriously threatening Korea U. S. Embassy was alarmed. On May 18, elite Special Forces paratroopers of the 7th Brigade ( s Special Forces had a reputation for brutality stemming from their actions in Vietnam. In sixteen other municipalities of South Cholla whole populations rose in rebellion. The 11th SWC Brigade, at some point, joined the 7th Brigade. On May 19, a U. S. Embassy information officer present in Kwangju communicated to Ambassador Gleystein who in turn cabled Washington reporting On May 21, hundreds of thousands of demonstrators drove the soldiers from Kwangju city. The city was immediately administered by citizen s martial law forces requested to retake the city. About 500 people were already dead with nearly 1,000 missing. On May 22 (in the afternoon in Washington but in the daylight morning hours of May 23 in Korea), Carter convened a high-level White House meeting to discuss the crisis in Korea. According to minutes of the National Security Council (NSC), participants included: Edmund Muskie, the new Secretary of State Warren Christopher Richard Holbrooke Zbigniew Brezinski, Carter On May 23, Ambassador Gleystein told acting Korean President Choi Hyuh Ha that On the evening of May 26 loudspeakers from helicopters warned Kwangju s citizens that the 20th Division would enter the city at dawn on May 27 and that all citizens should disarm and return to their homes. On May 27, at 3 a. m. the 20th Division entered Kwangju, killing anyone on the streets who did not lay down his or her weapons, whether sticks, stones, or more serious weapons, many of which had been seized from local armories. The final death toll has never been definitively determined, but estimates run as high as 2,500, with 15,000 injured, and 2,000 armed dissidents going into hiding in the nearby mountains. Conclusions about the Role of the U. S. in South Korea, 1945 to Present The United States has essentially been continuously present in and the dominator of Korean society and politics since its military forces first landed at Inchon on September 8, 1945, following defeat of the Japanese in World War II. Korea had been earlier occupied since 1905 by the imperial Japanese. The U. S. quickly imported a Korean puppet from the United States, Syngman Rhee, to be the front man. The U. S. oversaw a systematic cleansing between 1945-50 of the popular movement of Koreans who desperately desired their independence from any outside forces. Obviously, the popular movement was vehemently opposed to the U. S. occupation. A civil war developed between the wealthy Koreans and their police/military apparatus, bolstered by the U. S. who supported continuation of an oligarchy, and those Koreans (the vast majority) who wanted genuine independence and democracy. It was the brutal repression of Korean dialogue and aspirations for independence that directly led to the hot war. Following the end of the hot war, from 1953 to the present, the U. S. has continued with its occupation. Korea has received over the years huge amounts of U. S. aid, and until the late 1980s, was the third largest cumulative recipient of post-World War II foreign aid behind Israel and Egypt. From 1968-1971, during the Vietnam War, the U. S. oversaw the spraying of nearly 60,000 gallons of chemical poisoning (Agent Orange) in the area of the Korean DMZ, effecting the health of 30,000 Korean troops stationed there while at the same time contaminating the food chain. The United States maintains an elaborate system of military bases and locations, large and small, throughout South Korea. Currently there are 37,000 U. S. troops at 100 military installations. There are four major Air Force bases: Osan (7th Air Force), Kwangju, Kunsan, and Taegu and two naval bases: Kunsan, and Chunhae near Masan. There are a number of U. S. Army camps clustered in several locations: eg. at Uijongbu, Tongduchon, Chunchon, Taejon, and Munsan. The headquarters base for the U. S.-ROK combined forces, and the 8th U. S. Army, is at Yongsan in downtown Seoul. The U. S.-ROK combined forces command is headed by a four star general, currently General Thomas Schwartz. The 8th Army is commanded by a three star general. From the Korean War until 1991, the U. S. had hundreds of nuclear weapons in the South, with more than 150 nuclear warheads stored at Kunsan. There were nuclear units at ten locations throughout South Korea. Though the U. S. now claims it has no nuclear weapons on the land base of Korea, it is believed almost certainly that it possesses them on ships offshore. The U. S. operates two bombing ranges, one called Koon ni at the village of Maehyang Ri on the west side of the Peninsula, the other near Mt. Taebak on the east side. Popular Korean opposition to the range at Maehyang Ri has led to its being called the Vieques of Korea, because of similarities to the struggle of Puerto Ricans to rid itself of the Navy bombing range at their island of Vieques. The U. S. now acknowledges the presence of Depleted Uranuim (DU) munitions in Korea, and admitted there were two inadvertant uses of DU weapons in 1997. Koon ni was termed the when during the 1980s it served as the site for nuclear air-to-surface bombing practice runs. Except at the DMZ area around Panmunjom where U. S./U. N. forces are present, the DMZ is occupied by three defense lines of ROK units. Most U. S. forces remain at U. S. camps at different locations in the South. As recently as June 13, 2001, General Thomas Schwartz of the U. S.-ROK combined forces declared to the U. S. Senate Armed Services Committee that his units and equipment were prepared for any North Korean attack against the South. He identified 1,500 strike aircraft capable of launching 1,000 daily sorties, 5,000 tracked vehicles, 3,000 tanks, and over 250 combat ships. U. S. Pacific military commander Admiral Dennis Blair reminded the world in a March 2001 interview that North Korea remains for the U. S. the North Korea has multitudes of military installations and locations buried deep underground. The U. S. has been concerned about enemies being able to wage wars from undergound bunkers and protected weapons sites. The San Francisco Bay area Western States Legal Foundation acquired February 2000 DOD plans, s, are stimulating this DOD research to conquer the last challenge in order to possess overwhelming military capabilities on and under the ground. From the end of the war in 1953 to the present, U. S. troops have committed over 100,000 crimes against the Korean citizenry, including brutal rapes and murders. Because of an historically weak Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), Korean officials and its judicial system has had little jusisdiction over prosecution and punishment. Similar to local rage in Okinawa, Japan, for crimes committed against Okinawans by U. S. troops, Koreans regularly demonstrate for removal of all U. S. military from its territory as well. On February 9, 2001, the whole world was made aware of a tragic accident in waters off Honolulu, Hawaii, when the U. S. nuclear submarine, USS Greenville, collided with a Japanese fishing vessel, Ehime Maru, killing nine of its 35 passengers. What is not known, however, is that a similar accident occurred in Korean waters three years earlier. On February 11, 1998, a fishing vessel out of Pusan, the 27 ton Youngchang-Ho, was hit by the 7,000 ton U. S. nuclear submarine, Lajolla. Even the Korean government hushed this accident for fear of alienating itself from the U. S. The Captain of the Korean fishing vessel, Mr. Jung Chang-soo and his crew of four, were saved in the accident, though originally they were arrested and denied access to the press to tell of the collision. Only now is the news of that accident beginning to be made public. Despite the election in 1998 of popular Kim Dae Jung as President of South Korea, it is questionable just how much Kim is in charge of the political economy. The IMF has mandated severe economic restructuring, virtually destroying the unique Korean chaebol-based economy. Though the chaebols were monopolistic and oligarchic, they were distinctly Korean for the most part. Continued demonstrations by students and labor for better working conditions and social services, and for removal of the U. S. military from Korea, are regularly met with overwhelming force by riot police and the ROK forces as needed. Now that Korea has been forced to incorporate its economy into the international globalized absentee investor world, there is ever more pressure for Korea to contain dissent and maintain the status quo of a society rapidly losing its historic sovereignty to globalization. There are real forces that call the bottom line shots in Korea, muting much of Kim s power and influence. On the U. S. side, there is first the U. S. commander of the U. S.-ROK combined forces, a four star general. Then there is the 8th Army commander, a three star general, the U. S. Ambassador, and the CIA station chief, as always. On the Korean side there is the vice-commander of the U. S.-ROK combined forces, always a Korean general. Then there is the commander of the feared Korean National Police, the director of the Korean National Intelligence Service (NIS), formerly the KCIA, and the still strong network of right-wing Korean politicians who never lost their positions through forty years of Japanese, and now fifty-six years of U. S. occupation. Important, Relatively Little-Known Facts and Ironies Relating to the Korean War Korea has never attacked any other country. It has, however, been the victim of repeated attacks and interference throughout history. At the end of World War II, Korea was the only state not responsible for aggression that became divided (like Germany). Japan, which had occupied Korea for forty years and attacked many of its neighbors, was not split up. In fact its economy and sovereignty were enhanced by the Korean War due to a choice of U. S. policy to build up Japan. So Japan gained tremendously from the Korean War. Its strategic military and geopolitical significance was illustrated by the manner in which it served as the vital rear base and sanctuary for U. S. operations throughout the Korean War, and later for the Vietnam War. The war substantially boosted Japan provisional demarcation line at approximately the 17th latitude to be in effect only until mandated unifying elections were to be held in July 1956. Tragically, however, due to illegal United States belligerance in preventing the mandated unifying elections, the 17th latitude remained in effect for twenty-one years until the Vietnamese militarily defeated the U. S. in April 1975, similarly to what they had done to the French in 1954. Syngman Rhee, the very unpopular and unpredictable U. S. puppet leader for the South, was a big, big winner in the war. The U. S. intervention saved his political career by entrenching him as South Korea s leader even though he had little popular support. In February-March 1952, officials from China and North Korea accused the U. S. of dropping germs from the air, including plague, anthrax, cholera, and encephalitis, which was vehemently denied by the U. S. Subsequent elaborate research has disclosed the truth of these accusations. See Endicott and Hagerman s excellent twenty-year study (1998) listed in the bibliography below. The total number of Koreans, North and South, killed during the war now seems to exceed 5 million people, or about 17 percent of a total 30 million population at the beginning of the war. Nine million people lived north of the 38th Parallel at the beginning of the war, and as many as 3 to 3.5 million of them were killed. This kill ratio of one in three may be the heaviest losses due to war any nation has ever endured in history. The Armistice signed at Panmunjom on July 27, 1953, was signed by representatives of North Korea, China, and the U. S. Rhee refused to sign but agreed that for ninety days he would not disturb it, after which he claimed he would be free to start the war with a military invasion of the North. To contain Rhee, U. S. acquired direct control over the ROKA, which in turn contributed to the tragic long-term U. S. occupation of Korea. The Geneva Conference where resolution of Korea was discussed following the cease-fire, April 26-June 15, 1954, was a unique occasion when the foreign ministers of all five leading world countries met at one place (U. S. U. S.S. R. France, China, and the United Kingdom, among others nations represented at the conference). Geneva was the only international conference of its kind ever attended by North Korea. According to representatives of delegations from Canada, France, Belgium, and the United Kingdom at Geneva, the U. S./Rhee representatives were intent on preventing any acceptable peace settlement from being realized, despite allegations to the opposite by U. S. diplomats. Though some prisoners of war on both sides were badly treated, the documented evidence discloses that the U. S./U. N. forces were responsible for more deaths of prisoners, and more violence, than the North Koreans and Chinese were with their U. S./U. N./South Korean prisoners. Only the U. N. side applied violence to prevent repatriation. The U. S. was shocked by the fact that an estimated 70 percent of its POWs had collaborated in some way with their captors. Many had made confessions, including the to the use of germ warfare. Very few North Korean and Chinese prisoners collaborated with their U. N. captors, even though they were subjected to more brutality and violence. Many of the U. S. POWs recanted, of course, once released, but many, surprisingly, did not. Despite Japanese and U. S. denials, the Chinese and North Koreans were aware that the U. S. government protected from World War II war crimes prosecutions, the top Japanese germ-warfare scientists and technicians who had experimented on Chinese and Korean (and some 300 U. S.) prisoners a few years before. The reason: So that the United States could utilize their technological and scientific knowledge for its own military and intelligence purposes, similar to the program the U. S. secretly implemented for the Nazis. Some of this imparted knowledge was believed used against Chinese and North Koreans in the Korean War. After the war, South Korea had one of the largest military forces in the world with approximately 600,000 soldiers. The numbers in the North were uncertain but not thought at the time to be much at variance with numbers of Rhee s forces in the South. Since the war, the South Korean military has been the only foreign armed force in the world under direct U. S. control. This was literally true until 1994, and remains de facto to this day. There currently are 37,000 U. S. troops at 100 installations in South Korea. There are no foreign troops in North Korea and have not been since the Russian military departed in 1948. From shortly after the end of the war to the early 1990s, South Korea was the only place in the world where nuclear weapons were pointed at a non-nuclear nation. Until the 1990s, North Korea had no nuclear program. The status of their nuclear program is unclear, but they seem to not yet have any completed, launchable nuclear weapons. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexander, Col. Joseph H. Don Horan, and Norman C. Stahl. The Battle History of the U. S. Marines: A Fellowship of Valor (New York: Harper Perennial, 1997). Arbuthnot, Felicity. Sunday Herald (Scotland), Sunday, September 17, 2000. Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986). Bamford, James. 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The CIA s Greatest Hits (Monroe, ME: Odonian Press/Common Courage Press, 1998). Zezima, Michael. Saving Private Power: The Hidden History of (New York: Soft Skull Press, Inc. 2000). Zinn, Howard. A People s History of the United States (New York: Harper Perennial, 1980). 76 Comments Posted February 3, 2010 at 5:12 pm Permalink This is about as fair and balanced as you can get. Chomsky, Cummings, Stone. Nearly all much discredited. It so wonderful that you can be honest about the history of the times and work an understanding of the times into your work. Yep, everything is the fault of the Big Old Bad US. I wish now, we have left Korea to rot. Of course, as someone that can t take care of themselves, that would have been blamed on the US also Posted February 3, 2010 at 5:44 pm Permalink Your statement that Chomsky, Cumings, Stone are discredited is not held by many people other than those who just refuse to be honest about the egregious nature of US history. Why is it you have identified these 3 historians, along with Martin Hart-Landsberg, as incompetent historians. What is the basis of your perspective other than your personal opinions Posted June 21, 2010 at 8:28 pm Permalink Thanks for your articles. U. S. was in a position to demand the entire part of Korea if they wanted since it was only the U. S. that was fighting Japan before Yalta Conference, and even before Potsdam declaration. U. S. could have demanded the 39 parallel ( North of Pyong Yang, the narrowest point of the peninsula)as a second alternative. U. S. didn t want to divide Japan which was the War Criminal country. Instead U. S. wanted to give another slice of Pizza, the War-victim country, Nothern part of Korea, to Russia. U. S. neglected the importance of the nation and the people. U. S. ignored the Korean government in exile, in china, and came to Korea to protect Japanese from Koreans. U. 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Though this introductory section ostensibly has little to do with the contemporary situation in Korea, in . Post a Comment Cursed English slave and antichrist those countries don t make weapons, the Christians do and support them with the weapons to channel it to the created vengeance group. Pakistan was used in creating Alqaida for fighting USSR while SA was used to create ISIS. Christians has limited reasoning in term of research and finding truth. Go and read daft. Christians are the problem on earth. No, Christians are not the problem on earth but, your other points are correct. We make those weapons and sold them to whoever has the money to buy them. So, we cant wash our hands off with all the killings going on everywhere. I like your boldness in accepting truth. But see these: Our Global problems are Economic and Political put together lead to insecurity and other vices. Economic recession is caused by unnecessary wars the west countries engaged all over the world. War has no budget and its consequences has no end. The Christians make weapons, sales weapons and instigate reason to make use of the weapons. Our Global economic control is at the hand of the Christians/Jews who chooses who to give what and why. They control credits and determine economic reserves of individual countries. They project developments and conditioned countries on how to go about With their economy. Creates economic laws favorable to themselves only. They creates organizations in the name of human rights and freedom. All these put together creates unemployment and youths stagnation/agitations. By these strategy, they creates geographical division among peaceful people, they created hates between leaders and followers from the economic hardships they made includes making weapons and their proliferation The truth is the truth. Its constant no matter how we may try to hide it. I have come to the realizations that everything in the world comes down to control, money and power. Those who has them will dictate what everyone else does. We in the so called 3rd world must know that the western world will only do whats best for them 1st and other things second. Yes, they make money buy making the weapons. selling them and the shareholders are happy while pointing fingers and blaming the terrorists. Sell more weapons to fight the terrorists. see the circle They don t sell weapons to fight terrorism but they sell them to encourage terrorism. If there is no terrorism, there will be no business for them. And if there is no weapons there will be no persons to use them. Christians are actually the terrorists and those regarded as one are simply avengers. Trying to emancipate themselves from invaders of their countries Remember the concept of state terrorism and rogue states. Christianity is founded on peace then hijacked by pagans who changes everything that YESHUA brought. Virtually there is no single biblical teaching that is practiced by Christians of today except offering of tithe Don t. Son of Ishmael, gaskiya ne. Shiites are very good Muslims, they don t kidnap. If Buhari was a Shiite he would not have kidnapped Umaru Dikko. People have been saying there are too many Mujahedeens inside Premium Times. It is today i believe it. Today is Easter Sunday. I am just coming from church. I have not even eaten any food. i just opened Premium Times. What did i see there COLONEL OF NIGERIA ARMY KIDNAPPED AWAY. Is that the sort of thing somebody with fear of God should put on top as topic of the day on Easter Sunday To me, Premium Times is determined to make sure Christians will not celebrate EASTER today. Let me tell you people. No weapon fashioned against us shall prosper. My wife is in the kitchen. She is cooking ugwo-ugwo with cray-fish to use with hot starch to take it down. You hear so Premiumtimes reports news and if an event happens, it must be promptly reported, this has nothing to do with religion. Your reasoning is quite warped. Enjoy your Easter but always remember that not all Nigerians are Christians and not all believe that God exists. How you know Owo with Bush Meat and Dry fish with Yam to go to celebrate my Salvation through Christ Jesus and it was cool.. You know say Buhari never leave Treasury for APC Members to recover their electoral investment, so this na National cake them wan collect from Buhari now. Army Colonel na big meat o I am sure this the man will cool off in one big APC person house for Abuja and you can be sure the Police, DSS and the Army may not track down the kednappers. Uau. Are you okay or you just been funny. I hope you are been funny. PT report the news. Período. What are you trying to tell the world. The newspaper you are disparaging is doing its legitimate business from where it pays over 1000 Nigerians directly or indirectly under its workforce. Nigeria will be better if we avoid unnecessary propaganda against our leaders. As a Christian you know what today signifies so you should stand to give testimonies of God s love among His children and not unnecessary cynicism. I suspect you are either drunk or simply crazy. Your wife should take you to a nearby hospital with immediate effect. Wahala animals Do they also hold sway in the SS part of the country The answer could lead us to finally confirm whether the ones in the south are exported from Kano/Kaduna axis, or if they re random. Be serious bro. You are smarter than this. Those guys know their territories and cant operate just about anywhere without the help of the home grown touts that are kidnappers. they are mostly home grown Is it not Buhari who started this kidnapping in 1984 when he approved the international kidnapping of Umaru D. K. from UK and since he got to Aso Rock in June kidnapping in Nigeria has become everyday business. Politicians, Farmers, Taxi Drivers, Hawkers, Old men and Women and even Children are been kidnapped everyday. pls fill my Calabash for me make I take my Palmi I must be president and I must spill your blood if I loose elections. Yeye fowl. bring back our colonel hahahaha. I will bring him back in three day, Insha Allau Did i not bringbackyourgilrs in 60 days haba mallam1 So the war is coming closer to down town Sudaniyya. Ifa ba awon omo yin oo. Fulani herdsmen s killing and destruction of life and properties are back under Muhammadu Buhari, a Fulani himself. Not only do these savages rape and kill women, they also kill babies, set villages after villages ablaze, they attack the law enforcement agents, who respond to the calls since the Nigerian Army under the command of Buhari gives them covering. No one is ever prosecuted. The National Assembly cowers and hides and hopes the terror and intimidation of Nigerians by this brutes will grow tired and stop. When, in fact, the opposite happens. I am sure the kidnapped Colonel is not A Fulani Muslim. Editor Premium Times, How daft is Bola Ahmed Tinubu A naturally stuttering and inarticulate Bola Ahmed Tinubu has but threadbare knowledge, but he s not slapped all around, only because Nigerians are mentally ill creatures who worship thieves and adore those who rob the community of sustenance. Here again Bola Tinubu d still not have skipped the first principle of reasoning, by stating at outset that MUHAMADU BUHARI is the substantive Minister of Petroleum. For failing to do that, Bola Tinubu wore his faith on his sleeves as a money-worshiper who ll rather tell big lies than hurt the actual man holding the keys to the treasury. Bola Tinubu unraveled as close to a dunce when in the same jeremiad, he denounced the entire result of petrol supply as incompetence, but then declared his unstinting support for the policy of the substantive Petroleum Minister, Muhamadu Buhari, before Tinubu launched into 360 ridicule to say a light but truthful comment of not being a magician by the deputy Minister of Petroleum (Ibe Kachikwu) is the whole cause of fuel crisis today. What a daft way to make an argument in public. The man should be fired Monkey When since you were born did Nigeria EVER experience 6-month petrol scarcity as happening under Muhamadu Buhari s presidency beginning January and officially assured to last until June this year and if the answer is NEVER, is Nigeria therefore less NOT worse in March 2015 than it is today with no electricity supply nationwide and in effect no water to drink for lack of the electrical power to pump potable water to the general public by State Water Corporations U are now talking tinubu spoke the mind of buhari period Biafra, or we continue to enjoy more Buharis in Nigeria. DollarGate Their Profits re-selling Forex is the reason the President refused to devalue the Naira or allowing the forces of demand and supply to determine its value of our currency. FOREX ALLOCATION FROM CBN. 1 First Lady Aisha Buhari got 22m forex from CBN on the instructions of Emefiele and the company sold at N350 same day. 2 Abba Kyari, Chief of Staff to the President Buhari also got 400,000 at N185 and sold for N340. 3 Garba Shehu, Buhari s Spokesman got 800,000 at N185 and sold at N362 also at Black Market. 4 Lt Gen Danbazzu, Buhari s Interior Minister got 6million Forex from CBN ay N185 and sold it at N362 the same day at black Market. These are all Buhari s Family and Associates. CorruptionFightingCorruption. GOD WILL ALWAYS EXPOSE THEM They are hiding the name of the colonel for dubious reason. It might not be a true kidnap after all. This kidnap could come from just about any daring group. Nigeria in retaliation for the military action taken against a Shiite Muslim procession in Kaduna, when about 1,000 Shiite Muslims in that procession were shot at sight by soldiers. I won s fuses at once and put an end to Nigeria. May it be so sooner. Omooba Adekunle Orafidiya Where did the Colonel get the money to buy a Mercedes Benz GK from Poverty is your sickness. How much is Mercedes Benz Gk to a colonel. Please pray to get out of poverty quickly because it has affected your mental reasoning Say the truth, without the crude oil where would the sanda get money to buy a good Benz Cursed English slave and antichrist: You are poor and sadist Oil is nothing to Nigerians but curse. 90 of Nigerians relied on their effort to make a living and not through oil. Even those that are paid through oil money, work for the pay. A colonel salary is enough to buy him a car of any type. Cursed son of Ishmael, I am not poor, I am not a sadist. You and your people are damn poor and beggars. You have stolen our oil fields yet you can t achieve anything without the resources from the Niger Delta. You are ingrates and parasites. Cover your face in shame. Dan iska. Cursed English slave and antichrist: Niger deltans are lazy and sadists, the roam the streets of Abuja begging from one office to another. They are sadists who believed the water and air Nigerians use belongs to them. For your information only thieves relays and enjoys the cursed product. 99.9 of the people in the north do not know what is oil or rather is a curse to them. I am sure 100 of your people also felt the curse of oil. Cursed people with cursed product using it to curse people Omooba Adekunle Orafidiya Senselessness is your affliction. How much is a Mercedes Benz GK compared to a colonel s salary I think beside been poor you are also sadist So a colonel most stole to own Mercedes Benz GK And you think a colonel should not have other means of income and most a thief to acquire such small car Your problem is poverty of mental sense. You belong to those Nigerians who believed every blessed person in government is a thief Omooba Adekunle Orafidiya Your English is too poor. Go and be contributing to a local language newspaper. You have a good English and poor reasoning. The quality of your ethical judgement is poor. Where did good English become a success in life You are a probe of mental slavery as you subject your life to the West Mighty Colonel Mariama(rtd) You speak and write impeccable English as revealed by the following translation from your native tongue into English: s time. Omooba Adekunle Orafidiya Screw you. You are a moron. Horror. No body is safe in Nigeria. Is this the same Nigeria Army the Yorubas are banking on to defeat new Biafra Who are the people saying that Bola Tinubu is daft for attacking Minister of State of Petroleum but praising the Senior Minister of Petroleum for fuel scarcity going on in Nigeria since January Tinubu is not daft at all and will never be daft. Bola Tinubu went to Government College, Ibadan. He was best student there. He was the best in all of Yorubaland too. President Nnamdi Azikiwe gave him national letter for getting A1 in nine subjects. That was why Ivy League universities in America were begging him with full scholarship. Because his brain is too much Bola Tinubu could not divide himself to two. That was why he went to only one Ivy League university in America called University of Chicago. I never finish. I still dey come. Hahahahaha 0V R 40 H0T S LLlNG AGR000 PR0DUCT U CAN START XP0RTING WlTH LlTTL START UP CAPITAL V N IF Y0U HAV N0T D0N XP0RT B F0R The exchange rate is in your favor seriously 1 Dollar is sold for N200 and above as at today. Smart investors are taking advantage of the situation and making huge profit over night. You will need the following if you want to succeed: 1)Integrity, 2)Honesty The truth must be said. Whats happening in this country favors . 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